The Real Problem With Trump's Parade

19m
In this bonus episode of Radio Atlantic, we talk with staff writer Tom Nichols about how all the pieces fit together: the military parade, the president’s speech at Fort Bragg, and the dispatching of Marines to the protests in Los Angeles.

It’s not just that President Trump wants to acclimate Americans to the sight of tanks in the streets. It’s not just that Trump is signaling to governors that he will use the forces at his disposal to override their wishes—the real problem is how the military begins to see itself.

Read more from The Atlantic’s Tom Nichols on “The Silence of the Generals” and “Trump Is Using the National Guard as Bait.”



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The day after the Trump administration mobilized 700 Marines to respond to immigration protests in Los Angeles, And four days before his military parade in the nation's capital, President Trump walked out on stage to Lee Greenwood's God Bless the USA.

God bless the USA

and boasted about the crowd size.

It's a record crowd.

You never had a crowd this big.

That's an honor.

You think this crowd would have showed up for Biden?

I don't think so.

I don't think so.

I don't think so.

And maybe I'm wrong.

Maybe I'm wrong.

This is stuff straight out of the Trump playbook.

Brag about the crowd size.

Check.

Mention Biden.

Check.

Call the media fake news and whip up the booze against them.

Look at them.

Look at them all.

Oh, yeah,

what I have to put up with.

Fake news.

Check and check.

What I have to put up with.

There were chants of USA.

People bought campaign-style merchandise, Make America Great Again hats and chains and fake credit cards that said, quote, white privilege card, Trumps everything.

But the difference this time was that this all happened at a military base, Fort Bragg in North Carolina.

And the crowd was full of active duty soldiers.

I was elected winning all seven swing states, the popular vote by millions and millions of votes, and all counties throughout America by 2,750 to 525.

That's what I call a big number.

This is Radio Atlantic.

I'm Hannah Rosen.

Presidents have used the military as backdrop before.

It's a delicate art.

There have also been military parades in the past.

But with the timing of it all, deploying Marines and the National Guard, a country very much divided, this time feels different.

And if it's indeed a delicate art, Trump is not being subtle.

So on the eve of the big parade in Washington, better and bigger than any parade we've ever had in this country, as Trump put it, we called up staff writer Tom Nichols, who writes about the military for the Atlantic and has taught for 25 years at the U.S.

Naval War College, to help us think this through.

So this military parade is happening this weekend.

It's meant to celebrate the Army's 250th birthday.

It also happened to be Trump's 79th birthday.

And Trump has said it's going to be better and bigger than any parade we've ever had in this country.

So Tom, on the the one hand, it's just a fancy parade with fireworks and all that.

On the other hand, what?

Like what message are you, who's good at reading military-coded symbols, seeing in this parade?

Well, first of all, the military wasn't going to do this parade.

So the idea that this just happens to be a military parade that just coincidentally happened on Trump's birthday is nonsense.

Trump has wanted this kind of parade.

And, you know, this is what he thinks the military does is throw parades for the commander-in-chief.

And he's doing it while he's sending troops into the streets of an American city.

And I'm sure he's more than happy for that split screen to say, you know, these are my guys.

This is my army, my generals, my artillery.

And if you screw with me, this is what it looks like in Los Angeles.

So you read it as my parade.

Like you read the split screen as as necessary to understanding this military parade, not just as kind of empty symbolism.

He likes the look of it.

He likes fit troops.

Like it's just aesthetically pleasing to him.

That's not all it is in your mind.

No, he, I mean, he obviously loves this stuff.

I mean, Trump,

Trump is in many ways very childlike.

You know, he likes shiny things and uniforms and big parades.

And he's wanted this for a while.

But I think he and the other people around him are also more than happy to create a second kind of symbolism here: I'm the president, I'm the commander-in-chief, I can put tanks in the streets anytime I feel like it.

Because remember, he wanted to do this.

He was aching to do this kind of stuff during the 2020 protests.

And, you know, people in the Pentagon, including his own Secretary of Defense and the Chairman of the Joint Chief, said, this is a bad idea.

And he has learned his lesson.

He surrounds himself now with people who are never going to tell him that anything is a bad idea.

In the lead up to the parade, he gave this speech at Fort Bragg.

Now, he's not the first president to give a speech in front of a military crowd.

Presidents use the military as backdrop all the time.

What was different about this speech?

It wasn't a speech.

It was a political rally.

He didn't use the backdrop of a military base to say, I'm here to talk about, you know, the future military development, the Defense Department,

international relations.

He just stood up there in a completely partisan mode, wearing his little red hat, and he encouraged U.S.

Army soldiers to join him in a big partisan hoot nanny.

And this actually goes back to your question, Hannah, about

what he's thinking about this parade.

He very much wants those soldiers to say, remember, I am your only defender.

I am the strong man who loves you.

America hates you.

And that is poisonous.

It is a repudiation of everything that people from George Washington to George Marshall to Brent Scowcroft to others that have always stood for in serving this country, either in civilian roles or as military leaders.

That's how other countries fall into civil war and chaos and mayhem is that the military becomes becomes an independent when you part when you politicize the military the military becomes an independent actor and it says um you know there's republicans there's democrats there's rural there's city and there's us

and we are an interest group and we are an independent group with an independent say in who runs this country And you don't want the military saying, you know, oh, the election next year, that'll be interesting.

But we get a veto.

Right.

So it's not just about Trump having an army or military that he can manipulate.

It's about the military starting to see itself as an independent political actor.

Absolutely.

I'm trying to imagine, actually, I don't want to get distracted, but I am trying to imagine what it would be like for the citizens of Washington to watch tanks roll down their street.

That's kind of a profound image.

Well, especially at a time like this.

I mean, you know, context is everything.

And when Donald Trump has been walking around, you know, like a wannabe dictator, talking about the military as his personal muscle, the symbolism of rumbling

a tank down Constitution Avenue is, you know, I mean, look, these people know exactly what they're doing.

They know the images they're creating.

And part of the goal here is, and I think this is true in Los Angeles, and I think it's true with the Washington Parade.

Trump and his people want to acclimate Americans to the sight of the U.S.

military in their streets, which is one of the most un-American things, going all the way back to the founders who had a deep suspicion of a standing army.

You know, we honor the people who serve in our military.

We value them.

We cherish them.

But no, we don't want them driving Humvees, you know, through the streets of D.C.

every day.

Yeah, it's a really good point.

Like, I've obviously seen National Guard in the streets before, but seeing tanks in D.C.

streets, while on the other coast, Marines are being deployed in Los Angeles has a very different

It feels wrong

and in part because

part of the protection of American freedom is embedded in our system of federalism.

So that your local police are answerable to your local government, which in turn can be superseded by your state police, who answers to your state government.

And if things really get tough, you have a National Guard of your fellow citizens, your neighbors, your friends, who are then answerable as well to the governor.

You should have to go through a whole bunch of blown circuits before you get to the United States military being in the streets of our own country.

And in part,

not just because it's such a violation of,

again, everything from George Washington onward.

I mean, this whole thing with the parade is something I think that would make the father of the American Army, George Washington, ill.

But it's also

something that we avoid because it really is,

you know, for conservatives who talk about not wanting to have a dictatorial central government, they're acting like they really want a dictatorial central government.

When you talk about the Army, you know, you're saying state, local, county government, none of that matters.

The only real power in this country is right here in the White House in this one man.

Right.

And it's also a bad idea because the military itself hates these missions.

And that's good.

You want a military that doesn't like domestic policing missions.

Right.

Well, speaking of bypassing local authority, this is all happening against the backdrop of Trump sending the National Guard and troops to Los Angeles to deal with the protests against ICE raids, which Trump has called lawless and an invasion.

And Governor Gavin Newsom says he didn't ask for help and said the LA police could handle them.

Why do you think he sent the troops then?

Specifically to show that Gavin Newsom is not in charge of the state of California and that Karen Bass is not in charge of the city of Los Angeles.

It's a very dramatic way of saying all power in this country belongs to me, Donald Trump.

And if I see something in Los Angeles I don't like,

I don't care who the people of California elected.

They mean nothing.

And I'm going to call out the army because I can, and I want to establish that I can.

After the break, how to engineer a crisis and how to counter it.

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He does use the phrase liberate Los Angeles, but I'm still not clear what it serves him.

Like, why there?

And you said he saw things that he didn't like.

Like, there weren't particularly, I mean, at least as Gavin Newsom puts it and reports from Los Angeles, they weren't especially violent.

They didn't get out of control.

It wasn't a situation that the LA police could not handle, at least according to Gavin Newsom.

So what is it that he's trying to do or accomplish?

What's the symbolism?

What does it mean?

Oh, it's, you know, Trump has a genius for picking the right fights.

Remember, his goal has nothing really to do with Los Angeles or California.

The strategy here is, let's go to a blue state.

Let's go to one of the bluest cities in the blue states.

Let's totally humiliate people that the American right really hates.

And let's do it in a place where our narrative that America is under foreign invasion, which allows me to invoke these

old laws, alien acts and so on, in response to an invasion.

Let's go do it in the one place where I can count on the local population to do their part by cosplaying as exactly the kind of foreign invasion force that I need them to play.

They will play their role.

And if there was any place they're going to do it, it's going to be in Los Angeles.

Right.

So maybe it's an example of what people always say about Trump that he can engineer his own reality.

I mean, he can stage the theater and then walk into it.

Trevor Burrus, Jr.: Well, when I touch strategy, there's an expression we use when we're talking about when you're trying to plan your operations and your opponent isn't particularly adept.

And we call that a cooperative adversary.

And Trump went someplace where he knows he has a cooperative adversary.

Right, right.

So then

the protesters themselves.

In his speech on Tuesday, Newsom said, it's time for all of us to stand up.

He left it vague what he meant by that, but that's what he said.

You wrote a couple of what I thought were chilling sentences directed at the protesters, telling them not to provoke the soldiers.

What you wrote was, you will not be heroes, you will be pretext.

What do you mean by that?

Pretext for what?

A bigger crackdown.

And for legislative action by these Republicans to say, yeah, go ahead.

We won't stop you if you want to invoke the Insurrection Act.

The American people

on both the right and the left, unfortunately, especially on the fringes, have, I think, what George Will Wisely once called a hunger for apocalypse, a kind of aching for drama,

where they want to feel like they're part of a big tableau of a big adventure movie with a Hans Zimmer score.

And Trump knows that.

He has a great instinct for theater.

He has a great instinct for what will trigger his opponents.

And going to Los Angeles with the army, you know, it was just,

it's a very clever thing to do.

And, you know, one of the things that you see that sometimes humiliates authoritarians is when they say, I I must, you know, there are terrible things happening.

And people say, I was at work today.

Everything seems fine to me.

Yeah.

Yeah.

Our writer, Ann Applebaum, wrote about this, that when there's a lull, kind of a lull in the action, or even a downturn in support, there's a need to engineer a crisis.

And that she's suggesting maybe this, what's happening in LA now is the engineering of a crisis to kind of whip that theater back up again.

It's absolutely what he's doing, and he's thinking ahead.

You know, another of our colleagues, David Fromm, made the point that this is a dress rehearsal.

He's going to look for opportunities, perhaps even during voting, where he's going to say, oh, I see irregularities.

I see problems.

I see people saying they are being harassed at the polls.

And by then, he will have gotten us used to, you know, in this kind of boiling the frog approach, he will have us used to the president just running roughshod over governors and sending in the army.

So if Americans have an appetite for this kind of drama, what do you think would be an effective way to counter this, what you call authoritarian tendency?

Well, that's the thing.

You know what?

People on social media get mad at me and they say, well, have you considered voting?

You know, because people say, well, I voted.

Yes, but did you vote in, have you voted at the local and state level?

There are things you can do.

You can register people to vote.

You can donate to organizations that are fighting this in court.

And I think the courts, and I've written about this, the courts have become the last line of defense.

And I think they're actually doing well.

And I think one of the reasons Trump is doing all this is because he's been losing so consistently.

He's trying to figure out a way to short circuit the boring drudgery of the legal process that keeps working against him.

So, you know, my answer is: look, the founders were great believers in stoicism.

I believe there are times to go into the streets, but if the president is laying a gigantic trap,

don't walk into it.

Tom, thank you so much for joining me.

Thanks for having me, Hannah.

This bonus episode of Radio Atlantic was produced by Janae West and Rosie Hughes.

It was edited by Claudina Bade and engineered by Rob Smersiak.

Claudina Bade is the executive producer of Atlantic Audio, and Andrea Valdez is our managing editor.

Listeners, if you like what you hear on Radio Atlantic, you can support our work and the work of all Atlantic journalists when you subscribe to the Atlantic at theatlantic.com/slash listener.

I'm Hannah Rosen.

Thank you for listening.

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