The CIA Puppetmaster Part 1

Love unsettling stories?

Wondery Plus subscribers can listen to redacted, declassified mysteries early and ad-free, as well as another twisted tale from Balin Studios and Wondery called Wartime Stories, also hosted by me, early and ad-free on Wondery Plus.

Start your free trial today.

On November 8th, 1960, CIA Director Alan Dulles settled into an armchair and turned on the news.

The results of the presidential election would be coming soon.

He sipped a scotch on the rocks as he calmly watched the anchor on screen.

NBC declared that the race between Democratic nominee John F.

Kennedy and Republican nominee Richard Nixon was still too close to call.

Our tote board now shows Kennedy ahead still as he has been, but by one million out of 51 million votes cast.

We've We've heard a great deal.

We've heard many forecasts of a close election.

And this was turning out to be one of the closest in history.

Even though he was a staunch Republican, Dulles wasn't the least bit concerned about a Democrat potentially winning.

He knew that no matter what, his power as head of the CIA was completely secure.

The battle between Kennedy and Nixon had been hard-fought and ugly.

with each candidate determined to gain the upper hand.

For that, they both went to Dulles himself.

Dulles had a long-standing relationship with Nixon.

As the vice president to Dwight Eisenhower, Nixon worked closely with the CIA director.

Dulles had decades of experience navigating Washington politics and took the power-hungry Nixon under his wing.

He used his connections to pass along inside information he'd learned about the Kennedy campaign and advised Nixon on how to discuss foreign policy.

What he didn't tell Nixon was that he was doing the same for Kennedy.

In theory, Dulles was following standard practice by briefing both presidential candidates on national security issues before the election.

But Dulles went beyond protocol with Kennedy, disclosing more secrets than he normally would with a presidential candidate.

And he didn't inform Nixon about this preferential treatment.

It was Dulles' way of hedging his bets and ensuring he would remain valuable regardless of the election outcome.

The election night dragged on with no clear victor, but one day after the polls closed on November 9th, 1960, the major news networks declared Kennedy the winner.

Dulles had played his part perfectly, and now he was going to remain at the helm of the CIA.

He could manipulate anyone to do what he wanted, especially the young upstart Kennedy.

And right now, Dulles' mind was set on one thing: the threat of communism in Cuba.

From Balin Studios and Wondery, I'm Luke Lomana, and this is Redacted Declassified Mysteries, where each week we shine a light on the shadowy corners of espionage, covert operations, and misinformation to reveal the dark secrets our governments try to hide.

This is part one of the CIA Puppet Master.

This episode is brought to you by Progressive Insurance.

Do you ever think about switching insurance companies to see if you could save some cash?

Progressive makes it easy.

Just drop in some details about yourself and see if you're eligible to save money when you bundle your home and auto policies.

The process only takes minutes and it could mean hundreds more in your pocket.

Visit progressive.com after this episode to see if you could save.

Progressive Casualty Insurance Company and affiliates.

Potential savings will vary, not available in all states.

There's the part of me that everyone sees.

I'm Howie Mandel the comedian.

Apparently I know what funny is.

Funny bought me a house, but I also know what isn't funny.

OCD.

I've lived with OCD my entire life and people throw the term around like it's no big deal.

But OCD is severe, often debilitating.

It's a mental health condition that involves unrelented, unwanted thoughts that can make you question your character, your beliefs, even your safety.

General therapy can help with some things, but for OCD, it can actually make things worse.

That's why I want to tell you about No C D.

No CD is the world's largest treatment provider for OCD and is covered by insurance for over 155 million Americans.

Their licensed therapists specialize in ERP, the most effective treatment for OCD.

If you think you might be struggling with OCD, go to nocd.com to book a free 15-minute call.

They are here to help.

In the aftermath of World War II, the United States dramatically expanded its intelligence and military capabilities.

The Americans seemed invincible, even as the nation faced a global Cold War with the Soviet Union and a challenging conflict in Korea that cost thousands of lives.

At the heart of this immense power stood one man, CIA Director Alan Dulles.

For years, Dulles wielded unprecedented influence over U.S.

foreign policy.

He toppled foreign governments and meddled in other countries' business with little to no penalty.

He was so well known for going after U.S.

adversaries, he even earned a nickname, the Secretary of State for Unfriendly Countries.

Then came the Bay of Pigs.

The CIA had assembled a team of Cuban exiles to try to overthrow Castro's government.

and it turned out to be a colossal failure that made sworn enemies of the two neighboring nations.

It was a crisis that shook the foundations of John F.

Kennedy's new presidency.

Threats from Cuba loomed over the rest of his time in office.

More than anything, the Bay of Pigs exposed the sheer power wielded by the CIA and signaled to the world that the agency's director, Alan Dulles, wasn't going to answer to the president.

It was said that Dulles undermined or betrayed every president he served in high office, and his most explosive rivalry was with President Kennedy.

At 43, Kennedy was one of the youngest presidents ever elected, and he represented an entirely new vision for America's role on the global stage, one that clashed sharply with the playbook Dulles had established.

Their feud came to a head with the Cuban invasion.

Each blamed the other for its collapse.

But the CIA's official narrative about the affair was totally false, and the new president never fully recovered from the disaster before his assassination two years later.

Unfortunately, the real motivations behind the CIA's Bay of Pigs operation would remain buried for decades.

On June 29, 1954, six years before President Kennedy's election, Alan Dulles strode through the halls of the East Wing of the White House.

The 61-year-old CIA director was flanked by a few of his most trusted lieutenants.

Dulles had come to brief President Eisenhower on his latest success, a U.S.-backed coup in Guatemala.

One of Eisenhower's aides led Dulles and his team to a small theater where more than two dozen high-ranking officials were also waiting to meet with the president.

As his team prepared their presentation, Dulles spotted his brother in the crowd.

John Foster Dulles was Eisenhower's Secretary of State.

The two brothers had unprecedented control of American foreign policy.

They spoke daily as they worked to advance corporate interests and fight what they saw as communist threats around the globe.

When the Guatemalan operation succeeded, Dulles' first call had been to Foster, not Eisenhower.

Dulles took the stage and introduced the members of his Guatemalan task force, which included his closest advisor, Dick Bissell.

Bissell's cunning and ambition reminded Dulles a lot of himself.

Still, Dulles kept a watchful eye on his deputy, knowing he was angling for the top job.

He listened as Bissell began his briefing.

The situation started when Guatemala's Democratic president, Jacobo Arbenz, dared to challenge an American corporate giant, the United Fruit Company.

He planned to seize the company's vast farmland and redistribute it to the local farmers.

But Dulles and his brother Foster had strong financial ties to the company.

They convinced President Eisenhower that this land reform was a sign of growing Soviet influence in America's backyard, and it had to be stopped.

The brothers leapt into action, much like they had done with Operation Ajax, their plan to overthrow the Democratic Iranian government back in 1953.

Alan Dulles created a CIA task force and enlisted a Guatemalan ex-military commander to assemble a band of mercenaries willing to fight for money.

The CIA supplied him with cash and weapons to raise his army.

Then, when the mercenaries invaded Guatemala, CIA planes aided the fight by carrying out bombing campaigns throughout the country.

It worked.

Despite the vast support President Arbenz had among the Guatemalan population, he didn't want to get into a drawn-out military conflict against the U.S.-backed troops.

So he resigned his office and tried to get a radio message out to his supporters.

But the CIA jammed the signal, ensuring no one would hear it.

The mercenary leader was put in charge of Guatemala, and he pledged to allow the United Fruit Companies continued ownership of the farmland.

When Dulles' team finished their briefing, the riveted crowd burst into applause, including President Eisenhower.

Then he went down the line of CIA officials, shaking their hands one by one.

He came to Dulles last.

When Eisenhower inquired about casualties, Dulles reported losing just one man.

Eisenhower beamed and heartily thanked the team.

Dulles soaked in the admiration from the room.

He knew Guatemala hadn't truly been a communist threat, but that didn't matter now.

He had reshaped an entire nation's future in a way that helped American business.

In that moment, Dulles felt his influence surpassed even that of the president.

Six years later, on the morning of January 8th, 1960, CIA Deputy Director Dick Bissell walked into the break room of the agency's D.C.

headquarters and poured himself a cup of black coffee.

He'd been up late the night before, unable to sleep after watching President Eisenhower's final State of the Union address.

As one of the CIA's top men, Bissell worked closely with the president and deeply respected him.

But as he listened to Eisenhower talk about America's role on the global stage, Bissell couldn't help but think that it was time for a new vision in Washington.

Bissell was 50 years old and eager to get out of Allen Dulles' shadow.

He was intrigued by the prospect of a candidate like John F.

Kennedy taking control of the White House.

Kennedy was young and idealistic and ready to upend the Washington establishment, and he might just be willing to put Bissell in charge of the CIA.

Bissell made his way into the secure conference room where he had regular meetings with Alan Dulles.

He made it a point to always be first to arrive, but today, Dulles was waiting for him.

Dulles explained that the situation in Cuba had taken a turn.

When Fidel Castro had first seized power, American officials believed the charismatic revolutionary was anti-communist.

But after he took control of U.S.-owned businesses in Cuba and strengthened ties with the Soviet Union, the intelligence community became convinced he needed to go.

Dulles said that the CIA would enlist Cubans who had fled from Castro's regime to invade the country.

That way they wouldn't need American troops.

They weren't planning on assassinating Castro yet, but they were coming up with a plan to overthrow his government.

Dulles leaned forward forward with a grin.

He said he wanted Bissell to organize the task force that would execute this coup.

Bissell felt his chest tighten.

He'd been working in the CIA for almost a decade and spearheaded a number of projects.

But this was different.

A U.S.

attempt to overthrow Castro would have massive implications for the future of the Cold War with Russia.

and its success would now rest entirely on him.

The invasion needed to look like a purely Cuban exile operation.

Any trace of American involvement could spark an international crisis.

Bissell felt uneasy, but he thanked Dulles for the opportunity.

If he could pull this off, just as his team had done in Guatemala, he could set himself up perfectly to take Dulles' job after the new president took office.

He shook Dulles's hand and headed out toward his office, trying to push away any doubts he had about the mission.

It was time to assemble his team and secure his future.

A few months later, José Perez San Roman slumped against a bar and waved for another drink.

Most called him Pepe.

He wasn't normally a heavy drinker, but today in the sweltering heat of an April afternoon in Miami, he was homesick.

After a few shots of rum, he could almost pretend he was back in Cuba.

Pepe was a former captain of the Cuban army, but he had fled the country after Castro's revolution in 1959.

He hated communism.

Things in America weren't so bad, especially with such a large Cuban population in his neighborhood.

But work was hard to come by, and Pepe often found himself with nothing to do but daydream about his old life back home.

As Pepe stewed, he heard the front door swing open and saw a flash of light fill the dim bar.

Two white Americans, dressed in beachwear, walked stiffly inside.

Pepe watched them apprehensively.

It wasn't often that white men came around here.

If they did, it was because they needed something.

The two men approached him and asked, in Spanish, if he was Captain San Roman.

Pepe wasn't sure how much he could trust these men, but he confirmed that he was in English.

They introduced themselves as Frank and Eduardo.

They said they were businessmen with a proposition for him, but they needed to discuss it in private.

Maybe it was the rum, or maybe it was the fact that he couldn't get a job, but Pepe agreed to go back to their place in Coconut Grove.

As they got closer to the house, Eduardo asked Pepe to enter around the back so that they could be more discreet.

Pepe had a feeling these men weren't quite who they said they were, but he followed their instructions.

Inside, the big house was almost entirely empty.

Whoever these guys were, they hadn't been here long.

Eduardo offered Pepe a seat on one of the only chairs they had.

and asked if he wanted another drink.

Pepe declined.

It was probably best he sober up.

Frank lit a cigar and explained that he and Eduardo worked for a powerful company that wanted to fight communism.

They had heard from other exiles about Pepe's past in the Cuban military and felt he would be perfect for their mission to loosen Castro's grip on the island.

Suddenly, Pepe understood.

Eduardo and Frank weren't businessmen, they were American agents.

and they wanted him to help overthrow the Cuban government.

Pepe hoped that they would do a better job of planning their coup than they had done at hiding their identities.

But Eduardo opened up a briefcase.

It had thousands of dollars of cash inside.

Pepe needed the money and the work.

He was bound by his sense of duty to fight for the Cuba he believed in.

And more than anything, he missed his home.

So he told the Americans he was in.

On Boxing Day 2018, 20-year-old Joy Morgan was last seen at her church, Israel United in Christ, or IUIC.

I just went on my Snapchat and I just see her face plastered everywhere.

This is The Missing Sister, the true story of a woman betrayed by those she trusted most.

IUIC is my family and like the best family that I've ever had.

But IUIC isn't like most churches.

This is a devilish cult.

You know when you get that feeling where you're just, I don't want to be here.

I want to get out.

It's like that feeling of, like I want to go hang out I'm Charlie Brentcoast Cuff and after years of investigating Joy's case I need to know what really happened to Joy

binge all episodes of the missing sister exclusively and ad-free right now on Wondery Plus start your free trial of Wondery Plus on Spotify Apple Podcasts or in the Wondery app

Hi, I'm Denise Chan, host of Scam Factory.

You might remember hearing about our investigative series that exposed what's really happening behind those suspicious texts you get.

Inside heavily guarded compounds across Asia, thousands are trapped and forced to scam others or risk torture.

One of our most powerful stories was Jella's, a young woman who thought she'd found her dream job, only to end up imprisoned in a scam compound.

Her escape story caught the attention of criminals Phoebe Judge, and I'm honored to share more details of Jella's journey with their audience.

But Jella's story is just one piece of this investigation.

In Scam Factory, we reveal how a billion-dollar criminal empire turns job seekers into prisoners, and how the only way out is to scam your way out.

Ready to uncover the full story?

Binge all episodes of Scam Factory now.

Listen to Scam Factory on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts.

A month later, on a night in late May of 1960, Pepe was seated on a motorboat somewhere off the Florida coast.

As a naval man, Pepe never got seasick, but with the uncertainty of this mission, each bounce over a wave made his stomach churn.

It took everything in him not to lean over and vomit into the inky black water.

The last few hours had been strange.

Around 10 p.m., the Americans had packed him and about 100 other ex-Cuban volunteers into sedans.

They drove west out of Miami and across the state to the Gulf Coast.

From there, they were quietly transferred onto boats.

The entire time, the Americans wouldn't tell them exactly where they were going.

Pepe looked around at the dozen other Cuban recruits on his boat.

They each wore the same anxious expression.

It seemed like hope weighed down with fear.

They all wanted to liberate Cuba from Castro, but none of them knew whether they could trust the Americans to do right by their people.

After about half an hour on the boat, they arrived at their destination, a small island with beaches, a golf course, and a resort.

Pepe was grateful to be back on dry land, and he gathered with the other recruits on the beach in front of the hotel.

An American welcomed them to Yusepa Island, their home for the next month.

The man explained that more would be joining them soon, but they were the best of the best, and they would be leading this invasion.

He added that their efforts were being funded by a wealthy anti-Castro-Cuban businessman.

Pepe scoffed.

He knew the U.S.

government was actually behind the operation.

The American then dismissed them all, and they settled into their rooms.

All they could talk about was how they were being lied to.

They jokingly told one another that they were working for the CIA, the Cuban Invasion Authority.

Still, the men were dedicated to the cause of freeing Cuba, which pleased Pepe.

He had sorely missed this camaraderie since he was forced out of the military.

Over the next month, Pepe and his fellow exiles were put through intense psychological testing and several rounds of polygraph tests.

The Americans wanted to make sure everyone was truly committed to the mission ahead.

In between these sessions, he was given a U.S.-made M1 carbine rifle and participated in exhausting drills storming the beaches of the resort.

Each time he ran onto the beach, seawater dripping from his uniform, Pepe would close his eyes, just for a second, and imagine being back in Cuba.

It was the only thing that kept him moving forward.

As Pepe and the other Cuban exiles trained for the invasion, CIA operator Richard Drain was holed up in his office on Yusepa Island with the blinds drawn.

It was early June 1960.

and he was stuck inside writing a report to CIA Deputy Director Dick Bissell about the preparations.

He would have normally loved the picturesque views of the island's beaches outside, but ever since he was put in charge of the impending invasion, he felt too anxious to enjoy much of anything.

When Bissell first tapped Drain as the mission's chief of operations, he explained that the plan was for the recruits to land on Cuba's coast, on an inlet known as the Bay of Pigs, and move inland.

From there, another unit of a few hundred men would join as reinforcements.

In total, they planned to mobilize between 1,500 and 3,000 men for this mission, but they were hoping that the force would grow as anti-Castro Cubans still living on the island rose up and joined the fight.

Initially, Drain was stunned.

He didn't know a thing about amphibious invasions beyond the newsreels he'd seen of D-Day.

He could barely speak a word of Spanish, and he felt he was only selected because he wasn't assigned to any other mission.

But this was something of a step up in his career.

He had graduated from Yale and had spent time as a cowboy on ranches in Arizona.

And now he was working his way up within the agency on his own merit.

So he accepted the job, hoping that his doubts would be proven wrong.

But reality set in once he got to USEPA.

Not only were there far fewer Cuban forces than he'd been promised, but the CIA operatives sent to assist him seemed way out of their depths.

Drain felt like he should have been given an A-team, but somehow he'd ended up with C- recruits.

His CIA operatives were rejects from other missions around the world.

Some came from assignments in Germany, others from the Middle East.

Like Drain, none of them spoke Spanish, and they seemed to have a hard time understanding why the invasion force wanted to fight.

As Drain thought about what to say in his report to Bissell, he heard a loud explosion from outside his window.

It jolted him to attention.

He walked across his office and peered through the blinds.

The CIA men were demonstrating demolition warfare to the Cuban troops.

He watched as they struggled to communicate through an interpreter about how to properly set a mine.

Drain sat back down at his desk and rubbed his temples, trying to ward off a headache.

He just couldn't shake the feeling that this invasion was doomed.

On a sunny afternoon in July 1960, John F.

Kennedy was resting in the drawing room of his family's sprawling compound in Hyannisport, Massachusetts.

He was laying down on one of his mother's antique couches, trying to get a moment of peace, and one without pain.

His back had been a problem for him since he was a teenager.

No surgeries had been able to stop the sharp pains he felt on a daily basis, not even a spinal fusion.

He only felt relief when he was lying down.

But Kennedy had just been chosen as the Democratic nominee for president.

He'd been traveling non-stop for months and constantly on his feet.

He heard the distant roar of the crowd outside the compound.

He thought it must be Bobby.

As his campaign developed, Kennedy and his entire family, including his younger brother Robert, had become national celebrities to the point that they needed police barricades to keep people out of the family compound.

Bobby Kennedy was running his older brother's campaign and he was eager to do what he could to take some stress off John.

Today, he'd taken his convertible to the Cape Cod airport to pick up CIA Director Alan Dulles, who was in town to give Kennedy his first national security briefing.

Kennedy heard the front door open, and he carefully maneuvered off the couch.

He didn't want to look weak in front of the CIA director.

Dulles walked into the drawing room and shook Kennedy's hand with his familiar, tight-lipped smile.

He congratulated him on becoming the Democratic nominee.

Dulles and Kennedy had built up a modest rapport over the years, but Kennedy knew not to trust him too much.

He'd heard too many stories about people getting stabbed in the back.

Dulles used people to get what he wanted and tried to ruin the careers of anyone who got in his way.

Dulles got right to business.

For almost two hours, he explained to Kennedy the complex politics in Cold War hotspots from Berlin to the Congo.

Kennedy was glad to have the information, but as a sitting U.S.

senator and a student of world affairs, he felt like he already knew most of what Dulles talked about.

Then, Dulles got to Cuba.

He talked about Castro's communist policies and budding relationship with the Soviet Union.

Dulles leaned in close, as if to indicate that this was even more confidential than the rest of the top-secret briefing.

With a twinkle in his eye, he said that the situation in Cuba would be changing very soon.

Kennedy asked him what he meant, but Dulles played coy and continued with his briefing on the rest of the world.

Kennedy sat back, curious.

He knew Dulles had a history of using coups to change the governments of countries he didn't like.

He wondered if that's what he meant.

Kennedy wanted to change the practice of American interference in other countries.

To him, the U.S.

too often acted like a bully on the world stage, and he felt some sympathy for Castro's anti-American views because of the way the U.S.

had treated him.

But Kennedy also knew he couldn't win this election without being tough on communism.

So as Dulles continued, he thought he could use this sliver of information to his benefit.

The American people were anxious about having a communist country right next door.

If Kennedy pushed the issue in his campaign, it might turn the tide of the election.

After Dulles wrapped up his briefing, he and Kennedy walked out onto the sun-drenched lawn of the compound.

It was a throng of photographers and reporters waiting for them.

As he smiled for photos, Kennedy's mind stayed on Cuba and Dulles.

If he was elected president, he wasn't sure if he could trust Dulles enough to keep him as the CIA's director.

But, Dulles had given him useful information about a potential invasion.

Maybe the old man could be a useful ally.

It would be far better than having him as an enemy.

It's your man, Nick Cannon, and I'm here to bring you my new podcast, Nick Cannon at Night.

I've heard y'all been needing some advice in the love department.

So who better to help than yours, truly?

Nah, I'm serious.

Every week, I'm bringing out some of my celebrity friends and the best experts in the business to answer your most intimate relationship questions.

Having problems with your man?

We got you.

Catching feelings for your sneaky link?

Let's make sure it's the real deal first.

Ready to bring toys into the bedroom?

Let's talk about it.

Consider this a non-judgment zone to ask your questions when it comes to sex and modern dating in relationships, friendships, situationships, and everything in between.

It's going to be sexy, freaky, messy, and you know what?

You'll just have to watch the show.

So don't be shy.

Join the conversation and head over to YouTube to watch Nick Cannon at night or subscribe on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcast.

Want to watch episodes early and af-free?

Join Wondery Plus right now.

In November 1974, IRA bombs ripped through two Birmingham pubs, killing 21 innocent people.

Hundreds more were injured.

It was the worst attack on British soil since the Second World War.

When a crime this appalling and shocking happens, you want the police to act quickly.

And boy did they.

The very next day, they had six men in custody.

Confessions followed and the men were sent down for life.

Good riddance, you might think, except those men were innocent.

Join me, Matt Ford.

And me, Alice Levine, for the latest series of British Scandal all about the Birmingham Six.

It's the story of how a terrible tragedy morphed into a travesty of justice and how one man couldn't rest until he'd exposed the truth.

Follow British Scandal Now wherever you listen to podcasts and binge entire series early and ad-free on Wondery Plus.

In August 1960, Umberto Lopez Saldana was seated in an unmarked C-54 airplane with darkened windows.

Even though the pilots wouldn't tell him where they were headed, Saldana was buzzing with excitement.

Wherever it was, he knew he was getting a chance to fight back against Castro.

Saldana had been a student of civil engineering at Havana University when Castro's forces arrived in the capital the previous year.

As the son of a military officer who served in Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista's army, Saldana was against Castro's revolution.

Instead of returning to his studies when the university reopened, Saldana organized protests against Cuba's new government, from small-scale actions like painting anti-Castro graffiti in the streets to more dangerous ones like attacking a store with white phosphorus.

Eventually, a frustrated Saldana left for the United States in 1960.

But almost immediately upon his arrival in Miami, he heard whispers among the Cuban exile community that the Americans were recruiting thousands of soldiers for a mission against Castro.

He signed up at an office where American men gave him psychological tests and ran a background check.

Four days later, later, Saldania got a phone call in the middle of the night.

He was driven to an American Air Force base, handed a uniform and supplies, and brought onto the C-54 plane.

After about seven hours, Saldania's plane finally touched down, and he stepped out onto an airstrip surrounded by jungle.

An officer escorted him to the base camp for the rebels, and Saldania's excitement soon evaporated.

Saldania learned he was in a remote corner of Guatemala that the country's American-friendly dictator had allowed the CIA to use.

But Saldana was expecting something much bigger and better.

The American agents had promised Saldana that thousands of Cuban recruits were already at the base, but by his estimation, there were only a few hundred, and the Americans hadn't prepared any barracks for the soldiers.

It was just an asphalt airstrip in the middle of nowhere.

So it was up to them to build their own base camp.

They had to pour concrete foundations for their mess hall and put up tents to sleep in.

As Saldana approached the construction site, he felt a stab of doubt about the whole mission.

He introduced himself to some of his fellow Cuban expats.

They were nice enough, but everyone seemed too worn out to be very friendly.

Over the next few days, Saldania's anxieties eroded into regret.

The food was bland.

There were no showers, only a local swimming hole.

When it rained, the mud was inches deep.

Each day, regardless of the weather, they trained for 12 hours.

One of Saldania's closest friends in the group, another student named Carlos Rafael Santana, lost his footing on a steep slope and tumbled to his death into a ravine.

It could have been perceived as a bad omen, but instead, after Carlos's death, the mood in the camp began to shift.

The men's resolve seemed to harden as they focused on what was at stake.

The recruits were all bound by a common purpose.

They were fighting for their country.

Saldana had never wanted to be a soldier.

The more he trained with his fellow recruits, the more he wanted to take the fight to Castro.

In honor of Carlos, the recruits adopted his serial number as their own, calling themselves Brigade 2506.

They were ready for action, and now it was up to the Americans to lead them into battle.

A few months later, on November 15th, 1960, The CIA's task force on Cuba crowded into a conference room at the agency's headquarters in Washington, D.C.

Dick Bissell went to the front of the room.

He had sweat dotting his brow.

Bissell looked over at Alan Dulles, who nodded for him to get things started.

Just a week earlier, Kennedy had won the presidential election.

Bissell had been ecstatic at the news.

He'd gotten to know Kennedy well over the last few months and felt confident their mutual trust would lead to his appointment as CIA director.

But those hopes collapsed when Kennedy asked Dulles to stay on.

So Bissell shifted his focus to Cuba, where he had already been authorized to not just invade the country, but assassinate Castro.

If Bissell succeeded, he thought Kennedy would have to promote him.

But things were beginning to spiral downward.

Just days ago, Bissell received an urgent report from the man in charge of training the Cuban forces, Richard Drain, and his assessment of the mission was strikingly gloomy.

Now Bissell stood at CIA headquarters reading Drain's report aloud and watching the mood in the room grow more sour with every point.

Drain wrote that there was no way his force of a few thousand men could secure a beach.

They needed American support, which the CIA had promised even though they couldn't deliver.

Using American forces would put the U.S.

on a collision course with Cuba's powerful ally, the Soviet Union.

That would be risky under any circumstances, but especially with a new president coming into office.

Drain concluded that without the involvement of American troops and air support, the mission was doomed.

After Bissell finished reading the report, the room erupted into arguments.

Bissell could clearly see the red flags all over this mission.

The Brigade of Cuban exiles wouldn't be enough to topple Castro's regime, even if the agency was successful at killing the communist leader.

But this mission was too important to him.

It was supposed to be his crowning achievement, propelling him to even greater heights.

Bissell assured himself that if he could get President Kennedy's support for the invasion, it might still be successful.

Then, Dulles' voice cut through the room.

In a sharp, booming tone, he quieted down the agency's analysts.

He said he had questions about the report, but he wanted Bissell's thoughts.

Bissell cleared his throat.

He said that he believed in the integrity of the mission.

Bissell trusted his men and President Kennedy to get the job done.

The invasion would move forward.

Bissell watched for Dulles' reaction.

He nodded and confirmed his deputy's decision.

The mission was a go, pending Kennedy's approval.

Then he gave Bissell a sly smile.

But rather than calm him down, it sent a chill down Bissell's spine.

He always felt that Dulles knew more than he let on.

He looked forward to the day when he wouldn't have to answer to the old man.

He was almost there.

The only thing between him and Dulles' seat was the Bay of Pigs.

On January 28, 1961, Alan Dulles and Dick Bissell walked briskly through the west wing of the White House.

They were here to convince Kennedy that they needed to go through with the Cuban invasion.

An aide led them into the cabinet room.

President Kennedy, Vice President Lyndon Johnson, and other senior advisors sat around the table.

Kennedy flashed them a smile and instructed them to begin.

Dulles gathered up the notes Bissell had prepared.

The finish line was within sight.

Dulles explained the plan was elegant in its simplicity.

The Cuban exiles would establish a beachhead and within a month launch a guerrilla campaign inland.

Their presence would inspire Cubans who opposed Castro's regime and would surely be spurred by nationalist pride.

He said there was a reasonable chance that the success of this plan would set in motion forces which would cause the downfall of the regime.

He stressed that timing was critical.

Castro's grip on the island tightened daily.

Soon, Cuba would receive Russian fighter jets and other weapons from the Soviet Union, transforming Castro's undersupplied forces into a legitimate military threat.

Also, Cuba's spring rainy season would complicate any invasion, so they only had four months to pull it off.

The advisors seemed convinced.

They were practically licking their lips at the thought of a Castro-free Cuba.

Only Kennedy seemed troubled.

He was quiet for a while before he spoke.

He said the plan risked creating too much of a spectacle.

While he campaigned on taking a strong stance against Cuba, he also believed in respecting the sovereignty of smaller nations.

If his administration was linked to the exile invasion, the international backlash could be devastating.

Dulles gritted his teeth.

He assured Kennedy that his team had done their due diligence.

No one had discovered that the Americans were behind the coups in Iran or Guatemala.

This would be no different.

The Cuban people would topple Castro.

Americans were just providing the initial spark.

Kennedy considered this, clearly feeling the pressure of both the ticking clock and his expectant advisors.

Finally, he nodded.

He would seek approval from the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Dulles and Bissell could proceed with their invasion.

They just needed to keep it contained.

Dulles smiled and thanked the president for believing in the CIA.

His pitch had worked.

What Kennedy didn't know was that Dulles had planned for the invasion to fail from the start.

He had always known the Cuban exiles had no chance overthrowing Castro on their own, but he promised Kennedy a clean Cuban-led invasion because he knew that the new president would never approve of direct American military intervention, unless Kennedy was forced.

Once the invasion began to fail, Dulles was certain that the president would want to avoid a humiliating defeat.

He would have no choice but to send in U.S.

troops.

And if things went completely sideways, Dulles had his fall guy, Dick Bissell.

Kennedy was just one week into his presidency, and Dulles was sure he already had him beat.

In his decades of working in intelligence, Dulles had won every battle he'd ever fought, whether it was against a foreign enemy or the president.

But he had gravely underestimated Kennedy, and as the Cuban invasion approached, their real battle was just beginning.

Stay tuned for part two of the story next week.

Follow Redacted Declassified Mysteries, hosted by me, Luke Lamana, on the Wondery app or wherever you get your podcasts.

If you're looking to dive into more gripping stories from Balin Studios and Wondery, you can also listen to my other podcast, Wartime Stories, early and ad-free with Wondery Plus.

Start your free trial in the Wondery app, Apple Podcasts, or Spotify today.

Before you go, tell us about yourself by completing a short survey at wondery.com/slash survey.

From Balin Studios and Wondery, this is Redacted, Declassified Mysteries, hosted by me, Luke Lamana.

A quick note about our stories.

We do a lot of research, but some details and scenes are dramatized.

We used many different sources for our show, but we especially recommend The Devil's Chessboard, Alan Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America's Secret Government by David Talbot, The Brilliant Disaster, JFK, Castro, and America's Doomed Invasion of Cuba's Bay of Pigs by Jim Rassenberger.

And The Brothers, John Foster Dulles, Alan Dulles, and Their Secret World War by Stephen Kinzer.

This episode was written by Jake Natureman.

Sound design by Andre Plus.

Our producers are Christopher B.

Dunn and John Reed.

Our associate producers are Ines Rennie Kay and Molly Quintlin Artwick.

Fact-checking by Sheila Patterson.

For Ballin Studios, our head of production is Zach Levitt.

Script editing by Scott Allen.

Our coordinating producer is Samantha Collins.

Production support by Avery Siegel.

Produced by me, Luke Lamana.

Executive producers are Mr.

Ballin and Nick Witters.

For Wondery, our senior producers are Laura Donna Palavota, Dave Schilling, and Rachel Engelman.

Senior managing producer is Nick Ryan.

Managing producer is Olivia Fonte.

Executive producers are Aaron O'Flaherty and Marshall Louie.

For Wondery.

Trip Planner by Expedia.

You were made to outdo your vacationing, your hammocking

and your pooling.

We were made to help organize the competition.

Expedia made to travel.