Bill Kristol: Fight on All Fronts

54m
Not a lot of people predicted that Trump would fold and let Congress vote on the release of the Epstein files. But his retreat shows that Democrats have more leverage than conventional wisdom has suggested, and they should not rule out long shots in the fight against Trump’s authoritarian project. Meanwhile, MAGA looks to be fracturing in real time and Trump looks more and more vulnerable—on his ballroom, falling asleep in meetings, and his constant reminders that he’s only out for himself. Plus, MTG’s possible Saul to Damascus moment, Border Patrol’s invasion of Charlotte, bombing Venezuela would not be America First, and the Epstein emails are a reminder of how gross and nauseating the elites can be. Go away, Larry Summers.



Bill Kristol joins Tim Miller.



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Runtime: 54m

Transcript

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Speaker 1 Hello, and welcome to the Bullwork Podcast. I'm your host, Tim Miller.
It is Monday, so we're back with Bill Crystal. Bill, I think we should probably start by talking about Jeffrey Epstein.

Speaker 1 What about you?

Speaker 3 I think it's kind of the lead story of the day, wouldn't you say?

Speaker 3 I was getting ready to write my morning shots, the newsletter, like yesterday afternoon, and I thought I would gotten a limit and predict that Trump would actually have to fold, which has been contrary, I guess, to conventional wisdom in a way.

Speaker 3 And even I wasn't sure he would at all. But then Trump folded at 9:15 p.m., so I had to recast my newsletter a little bit, you know?

Speaker 1 The burdens of newsletter writing.

Speaker 1 The burdens of newsletter writing.

Speaker 1 Happy it's your problem, not mine. Well, let's talk about that fold.
Here's what Trump wrote is an extremely long bleach, but I'll just read the key parts here.

Speaker 1 He starts this way: As I said on Friday night aboard Air Force One to the fake news media, House Republicans should vote to release the Epstein files. I don't remember that exactly.

Speaker 1 I don't have that on tape. I'd like to see the tape on that.
Maybe that was

Speaker 1 the fake news media

Speaker 1 had not decided to report on that very big breaking news item that he says that he did on Friday. Anyway, he goes on, we have nothing to hide, and it's time to move on from this Democrat hoax.

Speaker 1 The House Oversight Committee can have whatever they are legally entitled to. Maybe a little bit of a, maybe a little bit of an interesting carve out there.
Then all caps, I don't care.

Speaker 1 All I do care about is that Republicans get back on point. So there you go.

Speaker 1 The Trump fold, he's ready for the Democrats to release the files, and there's going to be a lot of particulars about what that actually looks like. But to me, I think the most important

Speaker 1 element of the fold is the implications for the Senate. This thing might actually happen.

Speaker 1 As recently as a month ago, I was kind of the view that it was important and good what Rocana and Thomas Massey were doing, draw attention to this, you know, that you can get the discharge petition signed.

Speaker 1 But even so, even if you get it out of the House, then it would die in the Senate.

Speaker 1 But now, if you have Trump basically saying we got nothing to hide, that to me feels like it gives a release to the senators to do this as well.

Speaker 3 Oh, totally. I think in the original draft of the aforementioned newsletter, I think I wrote the House will pass this overwhelmingly tonight or tomorrow, I think, and the Senate.
I think we'll do it.

Speaker 3 I said as early as later this week, our prudent editor, Sam Stein, changed will to is likely to because he actually believes in like a more fact-based reporting for some reason instead of just good.

Speaker 1 That's why he brought Sam in.

Speaker 3 Yeah, that's good. And then, but then I changed likely to very likely.
No, I think I do think what's your rationale as a senator for not being for it now if Trump's for it.

Speaker 3 So I think Trump has to sign it, don't you think? I mean, this is actual legislation. They may be able to find many ways around it, to minimize it, to keep back documents they shouldn't keep back.

Speaker 3 God knows if they've destroyed some of these things, et cetera, et cetera. Still, I do think we could be.

Speaker 3 you know, within a week or two of Trump signing this legislation, which is pretty well written, I think, pretty strict in terms of specifying what has to be released.

Speaker 1 Sure. There's a lot of reasons to have lack of trust in the administration

Speaker 1 how they execute laws that are passed by Congress. They haven't shown to exactly be meticulous on that front.

Speaker 1 And, you know, I mean, who the hell knows what shenanigans Bondi could be up to as far as the review process of documents?

Speaker 1 And, like I said, they have that caveat about what they are legally entitled to.

Speaker 1 So there are definitely caveats here.

Speaker 1 This is not as if this thing's going to get signed this week and we're going to know every secret about the Jeffrey Epstein story by next week.

Speaker 1 but as a political lesson i mean maybe i'm wrong about this and i just haven't seen it but i didn't see a ton of people who thought that the house discharge petition was going to lead to the senate going along with this as well john thune bringing it up and and then donald trump being forced to sign it i like that that was not an outcome that i i don't think a lot of people predicted and i think there's some important political lessons from that.

Speaker 1 You read about a little bit in the newsletter as well, about like the shotgun method to opposing Trump of

Speaker 1 being it's important to try a lot of things because you don't know what's going to land.

Speaker 3 The whole Democratic Conference signed that discharge petition, and the conventional wisdom at first was they'll never get four Republicans.

Speaker 3 Then they miraculously got four Republicans, not the quote, moderate, responsible, establishment Republicans that everyone's been obsessing about for eight, nine months.

Speaker 3 When are they going to come around? Don Bacon, surely he's

Speaker 3 more responsible. And some of these other

Speaker 3 senior members, institutionalists. Don Bacon came around Sunday after it was clear that the thing was, you know, had 218 signatures.
He never was, he wasn't one of the 218.

Speaker 3 Four sort of oddball MAGA, well, in a couple of cases, MAGA true believers or just anyway, whatever, members, not the ones you would pick necessarily to be part of the anti-Trump coalition, did what they thought was right.

Speaker 3 And for me, the lesson is partly you've got to fight. You've got to fight on all fronts and you don't rule out, you know, long shots sometimes come home and you don't rule it out ahead of time.

Speaker 3 Second lesson, the Democrats have more leverage than the conventional wisdom has been.

Speaker 3 You and I have had so many conversations with Democratic strategists, which often have begun over the, especially the first six months or so of the Trump second term.

Speaker 3 You know, it's very important the Democrats explain to voters that there's very limited things they can do, because otherwise, voters will have excessive expectations, and blah, blah, blah, that won't be blamed.

Speaker 3 You know, it's like, I don't know, maybe they should spend less time explaining to voters what they can't do and looking at every possible lever of power they have.

Speaker 3 And getting within four signatures on a discharge petition is a kind of power. And then you get four to sign on, and suddenly you're off to the races.

Speaker 3 They also, to their credit, I didn't put this in the newsletter, I thought I heard it afterwards. I mean, remember how they originally got some of those emails and all that?

Speaker 3 That was that kind of fluky thing. Remember when I think Representative Garcia, who was new to the committee or new to being ranking on the committee back in late July.

Speaker 1 He was the new Ranking America's Connolly died.

Speaker 3 Yeah, and he sort of brought up this thing suddenly and it passed. And that's when Johnson had to sit in the house home early.
So, again, I think being aggressive, letting backbenchers take the lead.

Speaker 3 Roe Connor deserves credit here on the discharge petition.

Speaker 3 Don't be driven entirely by leadership, having long meetings with consultants and pollsters and discovering that actually Medicaid is really much more important than all this distraction of Epstein, you know.

Speaker 3 And also, finally, fracturing MAGA may be a better, or at least as good a strategy as winning over moderates in terms of damaging Trump's momentum and wounding his efforts to be...

Speaker 3 to be victorious in his authoritarian project. You've said that, I think, before.
Don't you think that's...

Speaker 1 Yeah, and I want to get into that just a little bit.

Speaker 1 Just really quick one more on the house on the congressional strategy, and then I want to do the fracturing MAGA part because, like, the fact that the house was out for two months is also kind of a win, right?

Speaker 1 Like, I just like stall, like, Trump.

Speaker 1 If there's one thing you can learn from Trump strategically, that stalling and kicking the can and like, you know, gumming up the works and buying yourself time can pay off, by the way.

Speaker 1 And like, the less that these guys are doing, the more time they're spent fighting about Epstein, the better. The more time they're spent delaying

Speaker 1 doing stuff, the better. And so I think that like that is another,

Speaker 1 the substance of the Epstein material is important, obviously, to the victims. It's politically important to the extent that we are learning more about Donald Trump's relationship with Epstein.

Speaker 1 And it's as important as part of the fracturing of MAGA. But like, it also means you go back to the last line, Trump's bleat.
It's like, all I care about is the Republicans get back on point.

Speaker 1 Like, they're off point. And part of that is their own making, of course, but part of that is like the value of them

Speaker 1 doing this rather than whatever. It's not like the House was going to be doing something good if they were in.

Speaker 1 Like, maybe they would have been doing nothing. I don't know.
But they weren't going to be doing anything good if they had been in session.

Speaker 1 And they weren't between the combination of the fight over the shutdown and then also trying to stall having this petition get signed. So to me, I just think that there are a lot of

Speaker 1 tactical lessons can be learned here. And they're tactical going forth next year.
As far as oversight is concerned, this comes out of the House Oversight Committee.

Speaker 1 I always go back to the lesson that

Speaker 1 the first little, there's a meme that goes around where it's like somebody's putting up a bunch of blocks, you know, and it's like something very small and it leads to something big.

Speaker 1 It was like the Benghazi hearing, like the 13th Benghazi hearing was the first block that led to Jim Comey doing the press conference about Hillary Clinton a week before the election, right?

Speaker 1 Like you don't know where this stuff can also lead, and it's important to actually put effort into it.

Speaker 3 Trevor Burrus, Jr.: I mean, the Democrats have been pretty suddenly, maybe got kind of aggressive the last two months, right?

Speaker 3 The shutdown, I was not 100% certain that they were going to think that was wise to do.

Speaker 3 On September 30th, they went with it, the Democratic senators, and they stuck to their guns for longer than a lot of people thought through the elections on November 4th, where they also did very well, better than people expected.

Speaker 3 In the middle of that was No Kings, which also went very well, 7 million people, no violence, et cetera, patriotic demonstrations. So they've had a pretty good run for a couple of months.

Speaker 3 But I'd say that run is partly by willing to take a few risks and not say, oh my God, if we have these no kings demonstrations, you know, something somewhere will look left-wing and we can't do that, right?

Speaker 3 Or, or we can't fight ICE too hard because immigration was a very bad issue for Joe Biden.

Speaker 3 I mean, the degree to which I believe they have sort of internally, maybe without even thinking it through, stepped up a little bit more on a kind of variety of fronts, one of them being Epstein, is striking and it's paid off.

Speaker 1 Here we go. There's going to be more happy talk coming.
Very uncharacteristically, Bill and Tim. I know you come here for Rain Cloud.

Speaker 1 This is going to be the second straight podcast where I'm offering a positive view about our trajectory. So just enjoy it with me if you want or complain in the comments, whatever you prefer.

Speaker 3 I mean, God knows what will happen tonight or tomorrow if we're having this conversation here.

Speaker 1 Yeah, sure, between now and when the podcast actually comes out.

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Speaker 1 on the fracturing of MAGA, I've come back several times to this kind of comedian podcaster named Tim Dylan, who is like MAGA adjacent. He's not like going in the front row at Trump rallies.

Speaker 1 I don't think he's ever spoken at a Trump rally, but he was supportive of Trump. He had dinner with J.D.
Vance. He is kind of a populist right affect.

Speaker 1 He's on the head, Marjorie Taylor Green, who we'll get to in a second, on his podcast to discuss her 2028 ambitions at the beginning of her independent shift away from Donald Trump.

Speaker 1 And so I want to play what Tim Dylan said on his podcast over the weekend.

Speaker 4 And I do think unfortunately, this kind of is the end of, and I say unfortunately, not because I care, truly, but I say unfortunately because it seems to not be doing anything good for anyone.

Speaker 4 This is the end of the Trump administration. This is the beginning of the lame duck presidency.
It's obvious to everyone, even his most

Speaker 4 ardent supporters show up to the White House, like Laura Ingram, and she's kind of shocked, going, What the hell's going on?

Speaker 4 Now we'll start, you know, three years of talking about the ballroom.

Speaker 4 Um, he will trail off. He will get older.
He's going to

Speaker 4 he's adorned the White House in gold.

Speaker 4 Um, Epstein's going to suck the oxygen out of a lot of this.

Speaker 1 It's obvious to Tim Dillon that this is the end of the Trump presidency. And it's always as an overstated statement, but like, this is kind of how I've felt felt the last week.

Speaker 1 You know, I don't want to get over excited. Obviously, Trump could do an insane amount of damage over the next three years.

Speaker 1 And like, who knows what he will try to pull between now and, you know, when he is term limited from his role as president.

Speaker 1 But in a way that is different from anything since really January 6th, it does feel as if like you can see how this thing crashes and burns and how it crashes and burns because in large part, people within the MAGA coalition look at it and decide that this is not serving them anymore.

Speaker 1 And that's, as Tim Dillon said, that this is not doing anything good for anybody.

Speaker 3 Trevor Burrus, Jr.: No, I kind of agree that it feels like, I don't know, it crashes and burns, but at least fizzles and sputters. And

Speaker 3 now, I mean, the degree to which they could intensify the authoritarian project at home and abroad is both out of a certain sense of desperation, a sense that they can't afford to lose the White House in 2028.

Speaker 3 I mean, I think no one should relax for a second about what Trump's trying to do.

Speaker 3 But I do feel, yeah, that there's some chunk of the Trump coalition, both the sort of normie Republicans out there who just look around.

Speaker 3 What is all this with the ballroom and the gold at the White House and he's old and he's falling asleep and he just, it's all about him. He's not watching out for us.
This is terrorists, et cetera.

Speaker 3 Some combination of that and Epstein and other issues where, yeah, there seems to be more vulnerability.

Speaker 3 And, you know, empirically, he's down, what, eight points or so since over eight, nine months, 10 months, I guess it is now.

Speaker 3 So, you know, that I remember saying somewhere a couple of weeks ago that could continue. And someone said, no, no, no.
I mean, look, maybe it'll level off and maybe it won't go back up.

Speaker 3 That'll be good. But you can't seriously expect him to go down from 42 to, I don't know, 38 or 37.
I don't know. Maybe he could, right? The midterms look bad for the Republicans if Trump's at 38%.

Speaker 3 You know, now, the midterms themselves don't solve everything or anything much. They create some oversight possibilities, but the administration

Speaker 3 will not obey subpoenas and et cetera. But yeah, I feel like there's a real moment.

Speaker 3 I mean, they cannot, Democrats cannot decide suddenly however to say, oh, let's just play it safe because we have a little wind at our back, you know.

Speaker 1 So.

Speaker 1 No, press the advantage.

Speaker 1 No, to your point about why, why I think it was rational, by the way, to think, you know, to look at history and look at our last decade and think, okay, sure, Trump's had a bad run, but he can't get, he's not going to get down below 38.

Speaker 1 He's got a cult. We're so divided as a country, you know, the right-wing media ecosystem.
But, you know, how did Bush get down below that number?

Speaker 1 It was because of a mutiny from within his coalition, right? It was Republicans that got very mad at him over a combination of things, whether it be Harry Myers or the Iraq War.

Speaker 1 And that has not happened with Trump. He orchestrated and encouraged a riot at the Capitol

Speaker 1 where

Speaker 1 police were assaulted and he did not lose a single supporter.

Speaker 1 And so, you know, maybe he lost a single supporter, but he didn't lose any meaningful percentage of his base. And so, like, why would you think that he would do so now?

Speaker 1 Like, I think that was a rational thing to think.

Speaker 1 But here, as you mentioned, this kind of combination of things of people now feeling like he's betraying American First Principles, plus Epstein, plus the economy just being shittier than it was back then, and people struggling in their lives has led to a part where I do think it's feasible to think that he gets down below.

Speaker 1 I just want to read one other person while we're getting high on our own supply of Trump demise. Here's Andrew Sullivan.

Speaker 1 Now, Sullivan has always been anti-Trump, but has been, you know, has kind of looked askance at the bulwark and been like, I'm not anti-Trump like those guys.

Speaker 1 Those guys have Trump derangement syndrome. And, you know, he was pro-DeSantis during the primary and is very anti-left.

Speaker 1 So it's just a different wing of the type of folks that have been to varying degrees like assessing this thing differently than we have. And he writes this, sounds just like Tim Dylan.

Speaker 1 Trump's overall disapproval rating took a sharp tick upward as he wantonly demolished the east wing of the White House in favor of a massive ballroom in the style style of a Gilded Age brothel.

Speaker 1 America is opposed at two to one. Last night, after calling Republicans demanding the Epstein file stupid, he invited the heads of Morgan Stanley, J.P.

Speaker 1 Morgan, Goldman Sachs, and BlackRock to a private dinner. The visuals are more and more Marie Antoinette, not William Jennings Bryan.

Speaker 1 Political gravity may be returning in a future beyond this authoritarian madness foreseeable. Once again, I haven't written this a lot lately, but I feel myself slightly emboldened this week.

Speaker 1 I just think that's kind of hard to argue with at this point.

Speaker 3 Yeah, I mean, you mentioned January January 6th, and that for me is always the moment of like, oh my God, but he recovered from that and

Speaker 3 got himself elected president again almost four years later. So that's a caution.
But that he turned into a, of course, a liberal versus MAGA issue

Speaker 3 and managed to amazingly do so with some success.

Speaker 3 I think the advantage politically of the Epstein files is it's not that, as you were saying, it's an intram I mean, remember the coverage of the Epstein thing six months ago was all, this is causing trouble for Trump because some of his base doesn't like it.

Speaker 3 Now, I think that was both correct and too simple, because of course, it turns out the whole country is repulsed and revolted by what Epstein did, as they are right to be.

Speaker 3 And Trump's cover-up just looked increasingly like a cover-up to 80% of the public, not just to the people who were obsessing about Epstein.

Speaker 3 Five, six, seven years ago, they turned out to be right, certainly to be obsessing about him, but

Speaker 3 led to some crazy places too. But a lot of people were right to say this is an outrage and a bipartisan outrage and so forth.
So, you know, in that respect, you mentioned Bush

Speaker 3 in 2005. In a way, isn't that seen a little more like Katrina?

Speaker 3 I mean, it's not an ideal, you know, in a way, Iraq caused big problems for Bush, don't get me wrong, but still you could sort of fight that fight.

Speaker 3 It was carry, you know, it was the Delves versus the Hawks. It was the war on terror.
I mean, Katrina was just incompetence and fecklessness. It seemed that way.

Speaker 3 You're doing a good job, Brownie, and all that.

Speaker 1 It was really Kathleen Blanco and Mayor Nagan's fault. But

Speaker 1 we can rehash that.

Speaker 3 Were you at the RNC then doing those talking points?

Speaker 1 I was very

Speaker 3 effective.

Speaker 1 Yeah. I was still in college.
So please get on. Don't blame me.

Speaker 3 I'm making point. You're in New Orleans.
You know more about it. But you know what I mean, in the sense that it was an out-of-the-blue kind of thing.

Speaker 3 Epstein's not quite out of the blue, but it was orthogonal to the normal political fights. And those things can sometimes

Speaker 3 hurt you even more. And then if they fit into a narrative, so Katrina fit into, I remember this vividly, this is a word of Iraq of the war.

Speaker 3 I mean, if Katrina fit into the notion that he's also incompetently fighting this war, whatever you think of it and the bad information to get us going on it, you know, this is not being managed well.

Speaker 3 Look what he's did with Katrina. And I do think also with Epstein, there's a little, that overlaps that way.

Speaker 3 You know, it's all about him. He's only watching out for himself.
He said he would watch out for us. Part of that was exposing these things that were covered up, but he's not willing to do that.

Speaker 3 And also he's spending all his time on the East Wing, et cetera, et cetera. So yeah, I think it fits in pretty well to a general sense that he's only out for himself.

Speaker 3 Don't you think that's an important part of it?

Speaker 1 I do.

Speaker 1 Maybe we should just have a full secret podcast with you and me where we do like 1998 to 2006 because maybe it's more Kapiku kulawinski i don't know that's going to object to your claim that it was katrina i think that it was i think that myers uh had a bigger impact on the base than katrina well no that's a good point but that was also out of the blue there's a supreme court there's a death and suddenly there's another supreme court vacancy and he nominates his white house counsel who no one's ever heard of basically i mean so that's also you're right i think that's a good instance and it did fracture i mean i was involved in that it did fracture the base so self-correction i was in my first job after college during katrina but it was not for the bush administration and i was not in comms yet i was begging my way into the comms department.

Speaker 1 So I hold no culpability.

Speaker 3 I withdraw. I retract my

Speaker 3 word implication.

Speaker 3 I haven't studied your CV in detail recently.

Speaker 1 I really apologize.

Speaker 1 Bonus content for people, which is me and Bill Relive 2005 together and try to determine what the real downfall of Bush was.

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Speaker 1 You know what? Let's just do this. I was going to save this for the end for dessert, but

Speaker 1 while we're feeling our oats, let's just keep on rolling. Let's talk about Marjorie Taylor Greene for a second.
She was on CNN with Deanna Bash this weekend.

Speaker 1 This is a longer clip than I usually play, but I want to play it all because I think that there is potentially much to unpack here. She's discussing Trump called her Marjorie Trader Brown.

Speaker 1 Dude is losing his fastball and the nicknames. I got to tell you, after Brown in parentheses, he writes, you know, when grass rots, the green turns to brown.

Speaker 1 That's kind of feels like, and if you're explaining the joke, it's not a good joke type of situation here. So

Speaker 1 I don't know. It feels like grandpa's lost his fastball and the nicknames.

Speaker 1 But Green was saying, Marjorie Taylor Green was saying that these sorts of attacks were yielding real threats to her in real life. And she had hoax calls to her house.

Speaker 1 And Danabash asked her about whether that gives her a change of heart about past rhetoric. And let's listen.

Speaker 5 We have seen these kinds of attacks or criticism from the president at other people.

Speaker 5 It's not new. And with respect, I haven't heard you speak out about it until it was directed at you.

Speaker 6 Deanna, I think that's fair criticism. And I would like to say humbly, I'm sorry for taking part in the toxic politics.

Speaker 6 It's very bad for our country.

Speaker 6 And it's been something I've thought about a lot, especially since Charlie Kirk was assassinated. is that I'm only responsible for myself and my own words and actions.
And

Speaker 6 I am committed. And I've been working on this a lot lately to put down the knives in politics.
I really just want to see people be kind to one another.

Speaker 6 And we need to figure out a new path forward that is focused on the American people because, as Americans, no matter what side of the aisle we're on, we have far more in common than we have differences.

Speaker 1 Boy.

Speaker 1 Saul for Damascus moment for Marjorie Taylor Greene, maybe, or maybe it's fake. I don't know.
Does that matter? I wonder. What do you make of it?

Speaker 1 There are a couple of things I want to weigh in on, but I'm wondering what you think about the new Marjorie Taylor Greene.

Speaker 3 Yeah, I'm so stuck. I had actually heard that.
I'd read

Speaker 3 of it, but I hadn't heard it. It's even more sort of

Speaker 3 kind of amazing to actually hear it in her voice and everything.

Speaker 1 I see a lot of people talking about this.

Speaker 1 I see more on the internet people saying things like, let's not whitewash her. Let's not like platform her.
Let's not, let's not be fooled by her.

Speaker 1 And I see more of that than I see people actually whitewashing her. And to me, I look at this and it's like,

Speaker 1 isn't this what we want? I mean, maybe she's faking it.

Speaker 1 Maybe she will turn back in three weeks and be the crazy lady, like chasing down the high school kids that were, you know, at a school that got shot up and calling them crisis actors or doing whatever the other, whatever the most noxious thing you ever think she's ever did, maybe she'll start doing that again in three weeks.

Speaker 1 And I don't think anyone would be surprised by that. We'd rightly criticize it.
But, you know, I don't know.

Speaker 1 There's something to be said for the fact that, like, when people break away from Trump on one thing, they start to see a lot of other things much more clearly because, you know, to kind of be inside the cult, you can't break on anything, right?

Speaker 1 Or anything of import, right?

Speaker 1 And so you rationalize everything. And then once you stop rationalizing one thing, it becomes a little harder to rationalize all the other stuff.

Speaker 1 And that de-radicalization process is good and important. And we're going to need that from people.
And like, I fundamentally think people are redeemable.

Speaker 1 And we want to try to encourage that and create a positive incentive structure for that.

Speaker 1 Like right now in our world, there's just so much positive incentive structure for people to be as insane and nasty and conspiratorial as possible to look at the top podcast rankings.

Speaker 1 And it's like creating an incentive structure for people going the other direction would be nice. And so I'm for it.
I'm great on MTG.

Speaker 1 And it was the area maybe of my biggest disagreement with From on Friday's show.

Speaker 1 We were talking about Zoron, not to compare MTG and Zoron, but like the comparing the trajectory where he was, he was really dug in on like what Zoron was rapping about Jews in 2019, which seems not great to me.

Speaker 1 But I was trying to say, well, like, isn't it a good thing that he like that when there was an anti-Semitic attack recently, he felt like he had this to do a tweet condemning it and that he's like changed his rhetoric around, like, isn't that good?

Speaker 1 isn't that what we want like we want people so we can have a watchful eye that they backslide right but we want people to do this i don't know i think that marjorie green is a much better messenger for our desired outcome than like me or some establishment or nikki haley or some center-right republican i think that it would be much better for marjorie to say these things and maybe it won't land but i think she has a better chance of getting it heard than other folks so i'm for it yeah no, I'm very much where you are.

Speaker 3 I just also think analytically, I mean, this is, yes, you say, I think once you break once, you break a little more. And one can hold her to her promise now to be more responsible.

Speaker 3 And then maybe she emboldens some others. I mean, it doesn't take that many.

Speaker 3 She doesn't have to have 20% of the MAGA coalition follow her, right? 5%, 8%.

Speaker 3 But I do think people need to start thinking that way. I very much agree with what you're saying.

Speaker 3 You know, I was at some meeting recently and someone was talking about raising some money among kind of moderate donors,

Speaker 3 he was trying to do this to help Bill Cassidy in his primary challenge down there in Louisiana. I guess he's got some MAGA person running against him.

Speaker 1 It's a bunch of MAGA people. So it's huge.

Speaker 3 But Cassidy did vote for impeachment, and so he deserves help.

Speaker 3 But someone else pointed out, you know, he also voted to confirm every single one of Trump's horrible nominees and has not voted a single, I don't believe in a single instance against Trump since he voted for impeachment, basically.

Speaker 3 And so why exactly are we going out of our way to save Bill Cassidy as opposed to being replaced by a more MAGA-ish Republican who would vote exactly the same way?

Speaker 3 It's nice that he voted for impeachment and he deserves, you know, some praise for that.

Speaker 3 And I kind of agree. I mean, in a way, you know, bolstering what Marjorie Taylor Greene is doing is probably more important.
I'm just actually more important.

Speaker 3 Leave aside almost the morality of it or the what's right, you know, though I think there's some case maybe that's also the right thing to do, but I just think it's practically an important thing to do.

Speaker 3 So you should have her on. You should have her on.
It'd be great.

Speaker 1 I want, we've invited her. I've invited her on the pod.
I'd love to have her on.

Speaker 3 Didn't someone say, oh, she sounds like she'll be a bulwark person soon or something?

Speaker 1 Yeah, there was a smart ass. The rights for the free press write that

Speaker 1 tweeted that I was looking at it. And I was like, great.

Speaker 1 I mean, wouldn't that be great?

Speaker 1 I don't understand.

Speaker 1 If the reputation of the bulwark is that anybody that has decided to see Donald Trump clearly would want to be in league with us, then I wear that reputation with pride.

Speaker 1 You know, again, I would not do some like hagiography of Marjorie Taylor Greene or I have her on and talk about how great she is.

Speaker 1 But like, but it's interesting to see what was the breaking point from her. Is there something we can learn?

Speaker 1 And to your point, like, she has been from the vote on impeachment through now, like, Marjorie Taylor Green has been much more constructive than Bill Cassidy.

Speaker 1 Doesn't mean that she's a good person or that she's without flaws. I, but like, Bill Cassidy's done nothing constructive.

Speaker 1 So, just because they like have a more moderate manner, you know, and like sound a little bit more rational, that doesn't do any good.

Speaker 1 Like, you're not serving any purpose by being a MAGA stooge, but just sounding nicer about it. That actually is harmful.
That actually is more harmful.

Speaker 3 I read this over the weekend. I can't remember who it was.
Some student of authoritarianism, historian type. It was actually very interesting on this.

Speaker 3 It was not quite in the context of Cassidy and Marjorie Chale. I agree.

Speaker 3 It was a more general comment about the fact that these four Republicans were the ones who were causing all this grief for Trump.

Speaker 3 And I can't remember honestly who this was, but he or she said, you know, this was a student of like, you know, Italy in the 20s and Germany in the 30s and all this.

Speaker 3 He said, actually, this is the pattern. Once the moderate establishment types sign on, they stay signed on.

Speaker 3 It's hard for them to split. What's their sudden reason for splitting? They were reluctant and had all these reasons why they didn't want to support him at first.

Speaker 3 Once you kind of decide you're going to go along with it, they're kind of more loyal than the true believers in a funny way have their own issues. They believed in something.

Speaker 3 They realized maybe they were foolish to believe in something or they were foolish to put trust in this guy to carry out the agenda they thought they were believing in.

Speaker 3 And this person at least claimed that historically, those are the people who often do defect first

Speaker 3 or are willing to do something difficult to defect us.

Speaker 3 Lauren Boebert, who is a, you know, I don't know what she is exactly, strikes me as kind of a lunatic.

Speaker 1 But anyway, she was

Speaker 3 called into the White House, into the situation room, and bludgeoned on Wednesday by Bondi and Patel, with Trump sort of in the background, I guess.

Speaker 3 I don't know if he felt he was physically there, but obviously at his direction. And she just hung tough.
I mean, and she could have said, I'm taking my name off the petition.

Speaker 3 Trump's promised me he's going to release more stuff. Blah, blah, blah, blah, blah, right? And I, so you got to say that there's something there.
I do think Epstein's a particular case, too.

Speaker 3 I guess we slid over that a little. I mean, it is so repulsive.

Speaker 3 And a lot of stuff came out over the last several months that changed, that made people see more clearly just how both how repulsive he was, his associates, how close Trump was to him, the birthday card and all that.

Speaker 3 But again, that was a case where no one knew, we didn't know that was going to come out.

Speaker 3 People were demanding the files, and then they also got the emails, and then they got put pressure on the House over.

Speaker 3 The Democrats released three emails, and the Republicans said, Oh, we're going to really show you. We're going to release 20,000 emails that have all kinds of Democrats in them.

Speaker 3 But those 20,000 emails also included some bad stuff for Trump, like Epstein saying that

Speaker 3 Trump knew about the girls, right? I mean, life's full of ironies and bizarre things, right? That Epstein is going to be the thing that maybe really does a more lasting damage to Trump.

Speaker 3 But you know what? If it

Speaker 3 helps weaken the path towards authoritarianism, that's good.

Speaker 1 I agree. And I can't, I will defer to the historian and their historical expertise.

Speaker 1 I would just say, as in more of my wheelhouse, on the political considerations now, it would make sense that somebody with more of an actual authentic MAGA base would have the room to distance themselves from him.

Speaker 1 You know what I mean? Like the other guys are faking it, right? Like the people that were former establishment, Jon Thune and what, like, like Jon Thune is obviously faking it.

Speaker 1 Everybody knows he's faking it. He has no base of support.
Nobody has Jon Thune tattoos or signs or fan clubs.

Speaker 1 There's not one, you know, like he is an establishment creature that has survived to become a mega establishment creature.

Speaker 1 And so, like, if he distances from Trump on something, like, the bottom could fall out of his support, right?

Speaker 1 Like, he can become Kevin McCarthy or, you know, one of these guys who are, you know, home alone with no friends. I don't know.
I think Mario J. Terry Grinch could survive this.

Speaker 1 Like, let's say Donald Trump endorses a primary opponent against her.

Speaker 1 You know, if it was the inverse, if it was Brian Fitzpatrick or somebody, like who became the locus of Trump's ire and they put a MAGA person up against him, I would say that person is probably going to win, right?

Speaker 1 Like Trump would probably win with a MAGA person over an establishment person. Could Marjorie survive? Could she be the first person to actually survive separating from him?

Speaker 1 Because nobody else really has. And with love to all of our friends and Jeff Flake and Kinzinger and Cheney, right?

Speaker 1 Like everybody that distanced ended up being out after, basically, except for the people that distanced and then went back and apologized, right?

Speaker 1 Like nobody has distanced and held their ground and survived. And a MAGA person could, just as a practical matter.

Speaker 3 Now, that's a good political analysis. Complementing this historical analysis, I'd also make a psychological analysis.
You make this point in the book, I think, so you should ask you about this.

Speaker 3 I mean, psychologically, isn't it?

Speaker 3 Scott Jennings is going to spend the entire next week attacking, finding ways to minimize the importance of the Epstein files or pointing out the Democrats are mentioned in the Epstein.

Speaker 3 Oh, you guys wanted this, and now you're going to get all these Democrats mentioned in a way that I think an actual MAGA person who cared about the Epstein thing and was maybe deluded in a lot of aspects about QAnon and all this, God knows, you know, isn't going to rationalize.

Speaker 1 Yeah, no, I mean, the point is just like you're, you're performing, right? And it's always a performance, right? Because you didn't believe it. Like it's fake.
Like Scott Jennings, it's fake.

Speaker 1 What he's doing is he's doing a show. Like he's a WWE character.
And so like. Okay, Marjorie Tara Green and Steve Bannon are both WWE characters in a way as well, right?

Speaker 1 Like they're faking at a times for everybody. All politicians are faking at a times for attention, but like their entire character isn't fake, right?

Speaker 1 Like they have an authentic character with some authentic views about populist American nationalism that they believe in.

Speaker 1 And then they, you know, at various times do, you know, whatever, play games in order to stay in Trump's good graces. Like if you're a free market,

Speaker 1 you know, Reaganite Republican who has gone full MAGA,

Speaker 1 your whole character is fake, right? And so why would, like, how could you determine where to separate in ways that are ways that are sensible?

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Speaker 1 Immigration. Operation Charlotte's Web started in Charlotte this weekend.

Speaker 1 I'm going to talk about Charlotte's Web in a second, but just the facts of what is happening on the ground there is from the Charlotte Observer.

Speaker 1 This is doing a great live blog if people want to follow along. Two days of mass federal Border Patrol agents in the area led to more arrests.

Speaker 1 At the time I looked, it was 80 plus, but obviously it's continuing to go up. Community concern around the region, no indication of when this will end.

Speaker 1 North Carolina Governor Josh Stein said, We've seen masked, heavily armed agents in paramilitary garb driving unmarked cars, targeting American citizens based on their skin color, racially profiling and picking up random people in parking lots and off of our sidewalks, going after landscapers, simply decorating a Christmas tree in someone's front yard, and entering churches and stores to grab people.

Speaker 1 That's a governor, Democratic governor of North Carolina. On social media, I saw a couple of videos.
One of a citizen, a U.S. citizen who looked Hispanic, getting his truck windows bashed in after

Speaker 1 one group of agents had already checked his ID, and then he got back to the car and a separate group of agents came up.

Speaker 1 And even after he'd already been demonstrated he was a citizen, they still bashed his truck window in.

Speaker 1 And then there was another video going around of this manhunt through the woods because there was somebody selling flowers on the side of the street to cars.

Speaker 1 And, you know, agents pulled up and then the flower salesman started started running. And so they're like chasing him through the woods.

Speaker 1 Crazy, insane.

Speaker 1 Who was calling for this?

Speaker 1 Nobody in Charlotte, not the governor, not the mayor. And obviously, it's similar to what we've seen in other cities, but it's a notable escalation.

Speaker 3 Yeah, that's the one thing where in a normal political calculation, you'd think Trump might be thinking this mass deportation stuff. I mean, some of it is okay for people.

Speaker 3 The percentages of criminals are now like in the 2% range that they're actually taking. And people are really correctly,

Speaker 3 you know, it's grotesque what's happening. I think people just think it's wrong and not right and not America and so forth.

Speaker 3 And then let's just go to another city and provide more video of us of our border patrol agents doing it. And incidentally, it's not on the border, of course, as I think you pointed out on Twitter.

Speaker 3 It's not even within 100 miles of,

Speaker 3 I don't think, of the Atlantic, which is the sort of fake way they justify using the Border Patrol agents in coastal cities on the west and east coast.

Speaker 1 You know, Charlotte's more inland than you realize. It's a good three and a half hour drive to the beach from Charlotte.

Speaker 3 Yeah, it's like 150 miles inland, I think I read. So, yeah, so I mean, anyway, but they somehow just decided to send the Border Patrol guys there along with ICE and everyone else.

Speaker 3 No, it's really, you've watched, I almost can't believe it, honestly. Well, you do believe it now, unfortunately.

Speaker 3 But again, this is a case where I think it's hurting Trump, but he seems to really have convinced himself to double down on this.

Speaker 1 It's kind of funny when you think about it. They're pot committed, I think, to

Speaker 1 crush a poker metaphor to death. But like, they have all this funding, you know, that they jammed through in the bill for ICE.
It is central to Trump's brand.

Speaker 1 Stephen Miller is a true believer in this. I think Christy Noam, Sarah made this point at the next level.

Speaker 1 I think last week or two weeks ago, I hadn't really considered that, like, Christy Noam, to the extent that she thinks she has a future as a vice presidential or presidential candidate, does not want to be seen as like the weak link on the deportation campaign.

Speaker 1 Where is the person that is in there that's going to stop it? Susie Wiles? Like, who like nobody, she doesn't have any, like, who, who would slow it down?

Speaker 1 frankly they haven't even been able to like deploy the funding that they have yet right so it's to me it seems much more likely that it escalates than de-escalates and and if we are right about his his precarious political position like it seems to me likely that they would think that escalating it would be better you know than than backing down yeah i mean he's surrounded by people he's i don't know what he thinks about this stuff i guess he doesn't i mean he's happy seems happy to preside over it and he's obviously morally and politically accountable for all this behavior but he also has people obviously in there.

Speaker 3 That creep who's running the Border Patrol and others who, I mean, Tom Holman is obviously who actually is very bad, in my opinion, but is a little more like a guy who's been in that business for 25 years and a little more professional.

Speaker 3 Even he's like, what is going on? You get the impression, right? I mean, but Miller and these guys are way, and the white nationalist stuff and the ad and the recruitment ads for ICE.

Speaker 3 I mean, that is part of this MAGA coalition that is

Speaker 3 much bigger than people realized and much more radicalized than people realized and has continued to radicalize over the course of the last nine, 10 months.

Speaker 3 It's bad for the country, very bad for the country and bad for those people who are being treated horribly, obviously. I do think it hurts this political coalition, though.

Speaker 3 That is one where some of the norming Republicans think the business types and all.

Speaker 3 But also, to be fair, some of the MAGA Republicans who I don't like and agree with, who are America first, who are anti-Israel, who are all kinds of anti-Ukraine, who have all kinds of views that I think are pretty bad.

Speaker 3 But they didn't quite sign on for this, I don't think, right?

Speaker 1 Right, yeah. And a lot of the non-political, just kind of culturally right, you know, kind of bro that didn't like woke and they didn't like the COVID masks and stuff that went on with them.

Speaker 1 And they're like, what? We're chasing a guy selling flowers on the street through the woods. Like this is like, it's, you know, like we're in the Sopranos.
Like, what, why?

Speaker 1 What, like, what, who is this survey?

Speaker 3 And they're busting into, it sounds like into churches. Am I right about that? Or at least onto the lawns of churches where there were people.

Speaker 1 Yeah, it seems like they're going near churches that are, you know, whatever, have Spanish-speaking masses, et cetera.

Speaker 1 In the Charlotte live blog, I should just say that the Catholic Archdiocese of Charlotte or whatever the region is, said that they've not seen it at their churches yet, but that the governor said it, and that at least there's some examples of it.

Speaker 1 And the other thing that they're apparently doing, obviously, it's a category difference to go in or around a church. I mean, like, if anywhere, it should be a sanctuary, it should be a church.

Speaker 1 But like, they're also going to like grocery stores that serve ethnic foods right like that sort of thing and just like going into the stores where they sell whatever latin food or asian food and it's like this is crazy like what

Speaker 1 there's not probable cause like purchasing you know the the right spices that you need you know to serve you know a dish from from your home country is not reasonable suspicion to being harassed by a massed agent in a free country sorry the eb white of it i just wanted to mention because i thought this was very powerful chris Geidner, who's a friend of mine, wrote about this.

Speaker 1 He covers legal issues. You can go check out his sub stack.
We'll put a link in here. But he's a big E.B.
White fan. And he's like, to call this Charlotte's Web, like they think it's cute and funny.

Speaker 1 And like the little midget guy that runs the CPV, Vovino, like tweeted a quote from the book when they announced going to Charlotte. There's this great essay I think folks should read.

Speaker 1 It was written by E.B. White in 1940 titled Freedom.
And it was about the growing affinity he was seeing for European fascists when they were kind of on the march.

Speaker 1 Here's just one little paragraph I'm going to read: The least a man can do at such a time is to declare himself and tell where he stands.

Speaker 1 I believe in freedom with the same burning delight, the same faith, the same intense abandon which attended its birth on this continent more than a century and a half ago.

Speaker 1 I'm in love with freedom, and that is an affair of long standing, and that is a fine state to be in.

Speaker 1 And that I am deeply suspicious of people who are beginning to adjust to fascism and dictators merely because they are succeeding. From such adaptable natures, a smell rises.
I pinch my nose.

Speaker 1 I thought folks would enjoy that. I enjoyed reading it.
And

Speaker 1 among the affronts from this administration, I guess, selling E.B. White's legacy is maybe not at the top, but still sucks and is worth reminding folks what he actually advocated for.

Speaker 3 Yeah, totally. I mean, such a classic American liberal, I think he was.
And I mean, his own politics were kind of Roosevelt New Deal.

Speaker 3 And then in 1940, he writes, yeah, I also somewhat called my attention to that, to what Chris Geidner's name, yeah, had Law Dork, I think, is his substack or whatever.

Speaker 3 Yeah, yeah, it was great that he caught that. I'd seen that maybe years ago, actually, quoted somewhere, but they can't resist being cued and trying to appropriate something that they think,

Speaker 3 I guess they don't know anything, right? They think it's clever to have Charlotte, to quote Charlotte's Webb and that no one's going to call them on it. But I don't know.

Speaker 3 I don't think people who like Charlotte's Webb, which is a charming story, as I vaguely remember it, are really like going around and seizing people who are decorating Christmas trees and trying to deport them, you know, separate them from their families and deport them.

Speaker 1 Yeah, it doesn't really seem to be in the spirit of the book. Now,

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Speaker 1 You had

Speaker 1 Hertling, who's now officially a member of the Bulwark family, by the way, officially a military analyst for us, which is so happy to have him, and he'll be back on the pod soon.

Speaker 1 You had him on

Speaker 1 the Sunday live stream that you're doing on Substack, which we should check out, sign up for the bulwark on Substack. And he was just discussing what was happening with Venezuela.

Speaker 1 People should listen to the whole thing. I'm just wondering if you have any

Speaker 1 reactions to that conversation and what you think the state of play is.

Speaker 3 I mean, he's pretty alarmed that if we do use military force,

Speaker 3 we haven't thought it through and that we may well use military force at the end. Once you get this, and in fact, we did it live, but then it's obviously on YouTube, live at noon yesterday.

Speaker 3 And after that, last night, I guess Secretary of State Marco Rubio, your friend, announced that he was designated a new Venezuelan foreign terrorist organization, continuing to try to, which he says Maduro is in charge of.

Speaker 3 So he's trying to lay the groundwork for that connection, justifying blowing up the boats, but also doing stuff inland in Venezuela.

Speaker 3 And the USS Ford, I think our largest aircraft carrier, most modern one at least, is now in the Caribbean Sea. So it's quite possible there'll be military action.

Speaker 3 I've got to think of to the degree Trump's getting beaten up on not, you know, wag the dog is used too often as a kind of always wagging the dog.

Speaker 3 But having said that, this could be a case where they, I wouldn't put it past them.

Speaker 3 And I mean, but again, we're going to bomb Venezuela with no congressional authorization, but not even any public debate, discussion, explanation, rationale.

Speaker 3 I mean, it's all

Speaker 1 plan. Yeah.

Speaker 3 This is a case where there is parts of the MAGA coalition, not the parts that you and I agree with particularly, I think, are kind of genuinely isolationist, genuinely America First.

Speaker 3 America First is not about bombing Venezuela. Whatever you think of America First, it's about like keeping it defending our borders.

Speaker 3 Maybe it's about a little bit of targeted stuff to keep stuff away from our borders. And once you start these bombing campaigns, too, it's not like you control how things play out.

Speaker 3 And suddenly, maybe you do have to send troops in, or there are other threats. I mean, I think, yes, this is, I mean, it's bad for the country, believe me, that he's doing this.

Speaker 3 And any sense of having allies in Central and Latin America, which is sort of a good thing to have, generally speaking, in your hemisphere, that's going to go out the window for quite a while.

Speaker 3 The bullying only goes so far, you know, but so it's very bad for the country. I don't know.
Does this help Trump politically, this kind of thing?

Speaker 1 I think it hurts him more. Yeah, I think it's a total misread if they think that that could be a successful distraction for the point you lay out.

Speaker 1 I just think kind of the softest underbelly of his coalition are people that were late to MAGA, that are not meaningfully like cultural, they're not evangelical conservatives.

Speaker 1 They were attracted to the idea that they're not for the wars. And I just don't know that any of them are going to want to be doing spin for an attack on Venezuela.

Speaker 1 Though Maduro didn't, didn't really help his cause singing John Lennon's Imagine. I saw that video going around with kind of a poor rendition and

Speaker 1 off-key in both elements.

Speaker 3 You got a problem with John Lennon. Now you're going to attack Boombers next.
I mean, come on. You know, that was deeply moving for some of us.
Okay. It wasn't.
It wasn't actually. It wasn't actually.

Speaker 3 It was

Speaker 3 just cloying. But I'm willing to believe it was moving for some people, though.

Speaker 1 For some people. Yeah, deeply cloying, I would say.
Final, Bill Wisdom. And this is like the third topic I've said this about.
We can do a full hour on at a later date.

Speaker 1 But I do want to mention it because you're writing various lessons from what we learned about from the Epstein files

Speaker 1 in the newsletter. And most of them were about.

Speaker 1 you know, the thing that we focused the most on, which is how it can be used for the acute problem of dealing with the current president who is taking us on an authoritarian trajectory.

Speaker 1 But there's something else to be seen in these Epstein emails, which is just how gross the elite. And I hate even using this phrase, the ruling class.
I'm not a populist fighter.

Speaker 1 This does not come naturally to me, but I don't know what else to call it.

Speaker 1 Like, you know, in these elite circles, the emails back and forth of these sad, I talked about this last week with Alex Wagner, about these sad old men asking Epstein for advice about things and scratching backs.

Speaker 1 I mean, like, the one that just jumps to mind right now, it was an email where

Speaker 1 Larry Summers was running Harvard and he was asking Epstein for advice on a relationship. And then Epstein writes back to say that

Speaker 1 the child of,

Speaker 1 I don't want to get the family wrong, but it was like the Rockefellers or like one of these big

Speaker 1 families, famous rich families, blue blood families, like wants to have a tour of Harvard. Could you give that to them?

Speaker 1 The whole thing is just gross.

Speaker 1 And you can understand why people are grossed out by it. There was a Times article talking about how this is

Speaker 1 like a time capsule to this other era.

Speaker 1 And the time capsule is letting us know this other era was sick and depraved. And so you write in the newsletter.

Speaker 1 So for those of us who prefer centrist policies, we need centrist candidates that are also credibly anti-elitist.

Speaker 1 There will be no market for a return to the good old days of the Clintons and their like, not when they can be found next to Trump in the Epstein files canon.

Speaker 1 I think that is right for like a variety of reasons.

Speaker 1 It's not just about Epstein, it's also related to like the issues of the Democratic Party brand.

Speaker 1 And as I said, this does not like come natural to me per se, but I just think as an objective analytical manner, like that is critical for if you care about advancing a more center-left agenda within the Democratic Party, you need to figure out a way to do it that goes at these gross elites.

Speaker 3 Yeah, I mean, I think my only caveat would be if I'd

Speaker 3 maybe should have added a sentence saying, obviously, there are parts of the elite who aren't gross, and they can certainly be the representative of objecting to this.

Speaker 3 There are people who didn't consort with Epstein, there's retired military generals who lived very honorable lives, and many, many other people as well, including business figures and stuff.

Speaker 3 But they would have to really, in my view, going forward for the Democrats, they would have to distinguish themselves from those other people.

Speaker 3 And it can't just be a generalized good old days, you know, Clintons, et cetera. And

Speaker 3 I mean, not only can't it be that, they really need to be against that.

Speaker 3 And if the centrists don't step up and show that they're willing to take this on, both in sort of personal moral ways almost, but also in terms of some policies, then it will be Mom Donny and AOC.

Speaker 3 And you know what? I mean, who's going to blame people for voting for them at that point? When you look at the Epstein thing, you've got to, it's just so nauseating that

Speaker 3 no, it's going to, it's going to,

Speaker 3 I mean, some of the social democratic stuff is sensible, I think, actually, at this point, given wealth inequalities and all these other things.

Speaker 3 But a lot more of it that isn't very sensible will get dragged in if there aren't centrists who sell it.

Speaker 3 No, to be fair, I think there are people, Abigail Spanberger and Mike Sherrill are basically centrist Democrats.

Speaker 3 Because of their personal background, I think it's very hard to see them as being in Epstein world. And they weren't.
I mean, they were in the CIA and in the military, for one thing.

Speaker 3 They're women, honestly, which is not nothing, I think, going forward.

Speaker 3 My contrary point is that every Democrat I've talked to in the last eight months says, well, the one thing we're not going to do in 2028 is nominate a woman is look what happened with Hillary and look what happened with Kamala.

Speaker 3 I don't know. I mean, the Epstein thing, I really wonder whether, you know, they shouldn't just nominate Spanberger and Cheryl and

Speaker 3 they should tweak their policy agenda to be a little more populist, honestly, in terms of economics, and they'll be great. They'll win 40 states.

Speaker 1 Yeah. Or maybe a different type of a woman with a different type of candidate skills.
But that might be a conversation for another day.

Speaker 1 I want to leave it with Social Democrat Bill for people. People love Bill Crystal, and they're really going to love Social Democratic Bill Crystal.
Everybody else,

Speaker 1 we'll be back here with Bill next Monday. Who knows what positions I'll be taking there? Exactly.

Speaker 3 Leonard Espino.

Speaker 3 I'm against that. I'm against that.

Speaker 1 We'll be back tomorrow.

Speaker 1 I don't want to be in one of these situations where it was like Nick Fuentes telling Tucker that he was a Stalin acolyte, and then Tucker being like, we'll get back around to that actually later.

Speaker 1 No, to be clear, no Stalin or Lenin acolytes here. We'll be back tomorrow with another edition of the podcast.
It'll be a good one. We'll see you all then.
Peace.

Speaker 7 Visions of Martin Luther staring at me. Malcolm next put a hex on my future, someone catch me.
I'm falling victim to a revolutionary song. The Serengeti's clone.

Speaker 7 Back to put you back, stab us back on your spinal bone. You slit your disc when I slit you.
My dish. You wanted to diss, but jumped on my dick.

Speaker 7 Groan, men never should bite their tongue unless you eat pussy that smell like it's a stale plum. I got my finger on the motherfucking pistol.
Aiming it at a pig, Charlotte's web is gonna miss you.

Speaker 7 My issue isn't televising. You ain't gotta tell the wise how to sound beat because our life's an instrumental.
This is physical and mental. I won't sugarcoat it.

Speaker 7 You'll die from diabetes if these other niggas wrote it. And everything on TV just a figment of imagination.
I don't want them plastic nations. Red deck like a Haitian.
Why you motherfuckers waiting?

Speaker 7 I be off the slave ship. Building pyramids, writing my own hieroglyphs.

Speaker 7 Just call this shit high power.

Speaker 7 Nigga, nothing less than high power. Five-star dishes, food for thought, bitches.
I mean, this shit is. Huey Newton going stupid, you can't resist his high power.

Speaker 1 Throw your hands up for high power.

Speaker 7 Visions of Martin Luther staring at me. If I see it, how he seen it, that will make my parents happy.
Sorry, mama, I can't turn her other teeth.

Speaker 7 They wanna knock me off the edge like a fucking widow's peak. Uh, and she always told me, Pray for the week.
Um, them demons got me, I ain't prayed in some weeks.

Speaker 1 Um, dear Lord, come save me, the devil's working on. He probably clocking double shifts, so none of his jobs.

Speaker 1 The Bullworth podcast is produced by Katie Cooper with audio engineering and editing by Jason Brown.

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