
Weekly Roundup: Tariffs, Texts & Turtles
This episode: political correspondent Susan Davis, senior political editor & correspondent Domenico Montanaro, and senior national political correspondent Mara Liasson.
The podcast is produced by Bria Suggs & Kelli Wessinger and edited by Casey Morell. Our executive producer is Muthoni Muturi.
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Full Transcript
Hi, this is Kyle from Annapolis, Maryland. Right now I'm about to walk on stage for the final performance of week three out of five of the show Working the Musical.
This podcast was recorded at... 12.03 p.m.
on Friday, March 28th. Things may have changed by the time you hear this.
Places! On with the show. Nice.
Hey, break a leg. Hey there, it's the NPR Politics Podcast.
I'm Susan Davis. I cover politics.
I'm Domenico Montanaro, Senior Political Editor and Correspondent. And I'm Mara Liason, Senior National Political Correspondent.
And it's Friday, so it's time for our weekly roundup. And we're going to start on Capitol Hill, where someone was about to leave Washington.
Bags were packed. They were on a farewell tour.
And then things changed. New York Congresswoman Elise Stefanik had been tapped to be the Trump administration's ambassador to the United Nations, but her candidacy was withdrawn yesterday.
Mara, what did the Trump administration say about why they were withdrawing her nomination? Well, what they said was kind of a really backhanded compliment. They said kind of anybody can do the UN job, but we really need a lease in Congress.
And this is an extraordinary story, and we'll talk about the politics, but their margins are very slim. And until now, the White House acted as if it didn't matter that their margins were slim because they were able to get such incredible unity among Republicans.
But looking forward, they are not that confident. Yeah, I mean, Domenico, we should do a little bit of math.
But as we sit here today, Republicans have 218 seats, which is exactly the number you need to pass anything if all members are present and voting. There's two Republican held vacancies for two House races in Florida coming up next week.
But there's signs out there that there's some nervousness in the Republican Party about what might be happening in these races. And these are not districts that there should be any problem for Republicans winning.
These are very heavily Republican seats. Stefanik won her seat with 62% of the vote.
It's upstate New York, fairly rural seat, something she held easily. Republicans expected to hold easily,
just like these two seats in Florida, including for Mike Waltz, who's the national security advisor now who got caught up in that signal chain chat group kerfuffle this week. But all of these races, there appear to be some issues at least for Republicans when it comes to fundraising, candidates, the National Party needing to get involved.
And clearly what we saw this week, having Trump saying on social media that the Republicans can't risk it with their very slim majority. And that's the first real sign that we've seen that really the Republicans are facing some political headwinds as opposed to having the wind at their backs because of what may be more unpopular than not unpopular agenda for President Trump and Republicans right now.
Mara, it does seem like an almost remarkable change of energy when you think just nine weeks ago when Trump was sworn in and talking about mandates and sweeping change and the Republican Party was feeling very bullish. And suddenly it seems like, you know, there's a little bit of nervousness.
Well, that's what this looks like. You know, the Republican Party has been ascendant,
unified, consolidated. Trump gets lockstep unity and obedience from Republicans in Congress.
You
saw them pass a continuing resolution, something that they actually couldn't do for years and years
and years because they couldn't get their own party all on, you know, pulling on the same oar. Although that makes you go in a circle.
No, that's the wrong metaphor. But that is the impression that they presented and it looked like events were bearing that out.
But now it seems they are less than confident about their abilities to pass legislation. Now, you know, Donald Trump is the EO president,
and he likes to do everything himself. But there are a lot of big things on his agenda that he
does need Congress for, and he doesn't want to take any chances.
It also does seem to foreshadow a little bit that, you know, they haven't really had any
tough legislative fights yet, but one's coming. They want to extend President Trump's tax cuts,
and they want to put a whole other bunch of policies in there. But Domenico, I think this
is also a sign that that might not be as easy as it seems.
It's not, but it's also a reminder that, you know, for as much as, you know, Mara talks about Trump doing all these things by executive order, for things to have a lasting effect, permanent effect, a president needs Congress. It needs the force of law.
These executive orders don't have that. Certainly, Trump has been able to get a lot done because he's willing to use resources of the federal government to intimidate various groups, whether it's universities or law firms or anything else, but they don't have the effect of law like something that Congress could pass.
And we've reported a number of times, obviously, on the battles within the GOP conference. And it's not a guarantee that Mike Johnson, the Speaker of the House, can keep every single Republican in line for every single spending fight to come.
Let's also talk about another White House decision this week. It's a 25 percent tariff on any cars or auto parts made outside the U.S.
Mara, the White House continues to present that tariffs are going to be great for the U.S. economy, but the way the world works, you know, the economy doesn't seem particularly convinced of that argument.
Well, this is a controlled experiment in Donald Trump's long-held, fervently held belief that tariffs are almost like a magic wand. They're going to make the country rich.
They're going to immediately bring all sorts of companies back to the United States and manufacturing will be revived here. Well, the business community and the markets who are not cowed by anything, they just respond to facts, don't see it that way.
And this tariff on cars and auto parts made outside the U.S. is going to increase costs for American consumers.
And even though Treasury Secretary Scott Besson says that the American dream isn't supposed to be made up of cheap baubles from abroad, tell that to a family that is trying to pay their rent and health care and buy a car. If we were to take this into the macro, right, there's grievances that the labor unions, auto workers have because of these free trade deals that were started in the 1990s.
And they feel, obviously, ship jobs overseas. But the issue is that made things cheaper, but it also hurt American workers' jobs and being able to retire and their pensions and all of that.
And their hope, and that's why the unions are actually supportive of these tariffs, is that you can have more jobs, again, in the United States that are manufacturing, that give people good paying jobs and all of that. At the same time, this administration is not very pro-union.
And in the micro, this is a president who was elected to bring prices down. And he said that he would bring prices down on day one.
And his actions, experts say, are going to have the opposite effect, at least in the short run. And he acknowledges that.
That's the most interesting thing, Domenico, how much the administration has started to acknowledge that there will be some short-term pain.
You know, Besson kind of dismissing this as, oh, we shouldn't rely on cheap products from
abroad, talking about a detox period, and even Donald Trump, who won't rule out that
this could cause a recession.
And there is a certain irony here, you know, in having all of the billionaires in this
administration make that argument that the American dream, as Scott Besson said, is not the right to have cheap stuff. Well, I mean like you said, tell it to the people who have real kitchen table issues or going paycheck to paycheck.
And it's really easy to be able to try to engineer something in a macroeconomic way when you have no problem paying your groceries. And tariffs come in many different shapes and sizes.
Joe Biden actually kept some of Donald Trump's first term tariffs on China because he felt it was important for U.S. national security to be able to make certain things like computer chips here instead of importing them.
But these new Trump tariffs are very across the board, very sweeping. They're more of a sledgehammer than a scalpel.
All right, let's take a quick break and more when we get back. And we're back.
And another move the Trump administration made this week was an executive action related to voting. It says, in part, that in order to vote, people need to provide proof of citizenship and that ballots have to be counted by election day.
Mara, states traditionally administer these elections. Congress is also supposed to legislate around how voting should work.
Largely, it's not a federal issue. So why is the president choosing this issue now? Yeah, not a federal issue and certainly not a presidential issue.
Why weighed in? Because I think Donald Trump, who leads a party that will not accept the results of a presidential election unless they win, Donald Trump is a candidate who will not accept the results of an election unless he wins. I think he wants to make elections easier and easier for Republicans to win.
And for some reason, he believes that if ballots are counted by election day, that will be an advantage for Republicans. As far as the proof of citizenship, this is a false narrative without evidence that Trump has pushed for a very long time that the elections are rigged and full of fraud and that there are tons and tons of non-citizens voting in elections.
In fact, a minuscule number of people without citizenship vote in elections. In fact, just to cite some data on that, Republicans in Ohio did a study that took them a year that they released this past January, and they identified, get this, 137 potential non-citizens in the statewide voter registration database.
Not even that they voted out of millions of people, that there are 137 who might be non-citizens in their voter registration database after a year of investigation on this. So it really, and this has been studied over and over again, including by the George W.
Bush administration 20 years ago that found it to be very small number. So it's just not a real problem.
But it's one that, again, continues to be something that Republicans put out there to drum up fear of something that could be real, and has gotten a lot of people who, you know, see it as a cultural signpost almost, to wave around and say, you know, we can't have not, you know, people who are not citizens voting when it doesn't really happen. But the real reason is to destroy trust in our election system.
So it's easier for a candidate like Donald Trump to say, I won't accept the results unless I win, because by definition, if I don't win, there must have been a lot of fraud. And this has been going on for years.
I also think it's built on sort of a fact that is proven to be untrue in recent years in that Republicans often supported voter ID laws because the idea was that the more people voted, the better Democrats would do. But that understanding has largely been flipped on its head.
I mean, there's there's been a lot of sort of postmortems on the election that show actually when voters turn up in mass right now, they would benefit Republicans more.
So Republicans putting up these sort of barriers to voting might actually be hurting their political interests more than helping them right now. Yeah, and we saw that there are certain states, Republican-led states, that have almost a total mail-in ballot system.
And now that Donald Trump has won the popular vote, I would think that Republicans would want as many people as possible to vote because they are increasing their registration numbers around the country. But he still sticks to these false narratives about how more people voting is bad for Republicans.
It also is, to me, just viewing this from the point of Capitol Hill, it is very interesting to watch, which I think is becoming a reality of this administration, how much power Congress is acquiescing to the White House. And these types of issues around voting reform really fall under the purview of the legislative branch, but they don't seem to be putting up any pushback to things that the White House is doing, whether it be shuttering agencies that Congress should have a role in or cutting spending that Congress has already appropriated.
And now they seem to be almost legislating with executive actions that Congress should be doing. But if Congress isn't willing to fight back on it, you know, you cede power, it just goes over to the president.
It just increasingly speaks to how powerful Donald Trump is in this moment, I think. But Sue, have we ever seen a Congress abdicate to the executive on so many things? I can't say in like forever in history, but certainly not in the modern presidency.
Not in our lifetimes. No.
And there used, I would say like even as recently as like Obama and George W. Bush, there was much more dissent within the parties over policies that they were doing.
And there's almost no dissent sort of ideologically within the party now. You know, 30, 40 years ago, you had way more institutionalists in Congress, in the Senate.
You don't have that many institutionalists, especially in the GOP conference right now. Most of the Republicans, many of the Republicans who were swept in, you know, beginning with the Tea Party are people who don't like government, who think that government does too much, that they want to see the president who they agree with be able to do more.
They don't like a lot of the rules that are put in place. They don't really have a ton of respect for everything that came before.
They feel like they agree with what Trump wants to do and they want to see him get it done. Domenico, what do you think the chances are that this holds up to legal scrutiny? Well, look, I mean we don't know if it's going to be constitutional or if the courts are going to block it because we're supposed to have decentralized elections in this country.
And they very well may do that. But the enforcement has always been the issue.
And Trump really is kind of putting the bully back in the bully pulpit here, because what we've seen with a lot of these executive orders is him trying to say to universities or institutions like law firms and the rest that he's going to withhold federal funding. We don't know if he's going to do that kind of thing, but it's certainly been his MO in these EOs to go and try to hold something over them to make them comply.
And we've seen groups kind of on their own kind of capitulate because they don't want the heat. And finally, I think we need to talk a little bit about SignalGate.
That's the disclosure via group text of plans to the Atlantic's Jeffrey Goldberg to launch missiles against Houthi rebels in Yemen. I'd say to both of you, I think it's fair to say that this is the first crisis the president is facing.
Aside from the legal questions it raises, what are your political takeaways for how this has been handled? And how consequential do you see it? Well, politically, it's been handled terribly, but I don't think it's very consequential politically. I mean, I don't think that this is going to really hurt Donald Trump the way the retreat from Afghanistan hurt Joe Biden.
I mean, this is not something that touches a lot of people's lives. It certainly makes the Trump administration look incompetent.
Their defenses on this don't really add up. But I think as something that is a long lasting political problem, I don't see it.
Yeah. Well, and the Trump playbook partially is to muddy the waters and make things seem more complicated than they are.
I mean, you know, they've really what we've seen is this, you know, Trump spin cycle that's gone into overdrive, kind of, you know, using that Trump playbook, denying, downplaying, attacking the messenger, of course. And Trump and others have made this more about the problem, the mistake, quote unquote, was letting a reporter into the chat, not the fact that they were using this app in the first place to discuss such sensitive details.
And I think that that is a place, I thought it was interesting listening to Trump because he was clear that he thought that too, because when they asked him, when reporters asked him about Pete Hegseth, who had been the one to deliver so many of the specific details of this upcoming imminent military attack plan, he said that, Hegseth, how do you bring Hegseth into it? He had nothing to do with it. Look, it's all a witch hunt.
So for him, the it really had to do with that Mike Waltz or his staff let this journalist into this chat rather than the much bigger issue of the security of these kinds of details that any American foreign adversary would want to get their hands on. The it here is we got caught.
That's the problem that Trump sees, that because they let in the reporter, this got published. He doesn't think the fact that they were doing something without any kind of protection for national security secrets was the problem.
No, we got caught. That was the it.
That was the problem. I admit I'm a little surprised that no one's been fired and someone may still be fired over it, in part because I think that Donald Trump has long seen that as effective management.
You fire people. And I always thought one of his better moments in his debate against Joe Biden is when he attacked Biden saying you haven't fired a single person.
I felt like that was a solid political hit. Accountability is still popular.
And Trump likes to fire people. And this seemed like such an obvious thing that you could maybe fire someone and move on.
But maybe he still will. It just it hadn't happened yet.
Well, who he did fire five days after he was inaugurated were more than a dozen inspectors general.
And when you have a bipartisan group of senators, you know, Roger Ricker from Mississippi, who is the armed services chairman, saying, hey, we want to get an expedited inspectors general review makes a little harder when the Pentagon inspector general has been fired.
Good point.
All right.
One more break.
And when we get back, time for Can't Let It Go. This message comes from NPR sponsor Shopify.
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That's the part of the show where we talk about the things we just can't stop thinking about, politics or otherwise. Domenico, I'm going to let you go first this week.
What can't you let go of? You know, I can't let go. Honestly, what's nice is this is my favorite time of the year.
It's not just the weather changing, but it's the idea of spring and spring being, you know, hope springing eternal, right? And there's so many signs of that, whether it's the cherry blossoms here in dc um or uh in something that i really enjoy opening day for baseball which happened this week of course um it's a little cold for baseball frankly in my opinion in a lot of parts of the country in the northeast uh but it still makes you feel like um you know there's still a chance and everyone starts out oh and oh uhets lost their opening day. So now we're 0-1.
So things are not quite as sunny, but it's still just great to be able to have baseball, to have March Madness, to have the cherry blossoms. It's just a great time of year.
I love springtime, Domenico. You're so cheerful and optimistic.
I do have to take my allergy medicine. Same, same.
So Sue, what can't't you let go of? The thing I can't let go of this week, and I genuinely tried to find something else to talk about because it is a little horrifying, but it is truly the thing that I cannot let go of. I don't know if you all saw this story out of Barton County, Kansas, where local news reported there was a babysitter.
And like many scared kids at bedtime, was telling her, there's a monster under my bed. There's a monster under my bed.
Oh, I saw this. And she said, no, there's not.
And bent down to look under the bed to show him that there was no monsters under there and came face to face with a man lying under the bed. And I would say as someone who both was a kid who had those fears, who was a babysitter who often did that.
And now as a mom who has to be the person that assuages the child, I was like, you never thought this was something that could actually happen. But everyone's okay.
And it wasn't the dad playing a joke. It was not a joke.
It was actually, it was someone that had lived in the house before and was under a restraining order to stay away. So it sounds like they might have known the person.
But once she screamed, they had an altercation. He fled the house.
He was later picked up by police. But I feel like what a traumatic event for both.
But how vindicating in some ways for that child, right? Like imagine if she would have been like, just get in bed. You're fine.
Yeah, but how many nights is she gonna be sleeping with mom now? Because I don't know if I'd go back to bed to be totally honest with you. It's like it was kind of a little bit scary to even watch Monsters, Inc.
as fun a movie as that is. Right? You've got somebody coming out the closet that's like literally your worst nightmare as a kid.
That would have ended my babysitting career in high school for sure.
Mara, what about you? What can't you like? Well, mine is just so trivial compared to the beauty and optimism of spring and the
existential terror of someone under the bed. My Can't Let It Go is a story from the Associated
Press. A Pennsylvania man was going through security at a New Jersey airport and he was
Thank you. the bed.
My Can't Let It Go is a story from the Associated Press. A Pennsylvania man was going through security at a New Jersey airport, and he was found to have a live turtle concealed in his pants.
TSA found it because the body scanner alarm went off. Now, I don't know what about a turtle causes the alarm to go off, but it was in his groin area, and he was questioned, and he reached into his pants, pulled out the turtle.
It was only five inches long. It was wrapped in a towel.
He said it was a red-eared slider turtle, which is popular as pets, and my son used to have a turtle. Anyway, he was escorted from the checkpoint area and missed his flight.
And we don't know what happened to the turtle.
It was confiscated.
There's a lot of innuendo there, Mara.
Yeah, almost too much for this podcast.
I'm glad it wasn't a snapping turtle.
All right.
That is all from us this week. Our executive producer is Mathoni Matori.
Casey Murrell edits the podcast.
Our producers are Bria Suggs and Kelly Wessinger.
Special thanks to Andrew Sussman.
I'm Susan Davis. I cover politics.
I'm Domenico Montanaro, senior political editor and correspondent. And I'm Mara Liason, senior national political correspondent.
And thanks
for listening to the NPR Politics Podcast. Does one of you want to ask me? So what's yours,
Sue? What's yours? Can you do it with a little feeling? What's your? So what's yours, Sue? What's yours?
Can you do it with a little feeling?
What's your can't let it go, Sue?
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