Trump (Literally) Destroys White House

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Welcome to Pod Save America.

I'm Jon Favreau.

I'm Dan Pfeiffer.

And I'm Alex Wagner.

On today's show, we're going to talk Trump's demand that the Justice Department pay him $230 million,

handing over the keys to our elections to election deniers, the demolition of the East Wing, the latest with Graham Plattner in Maine, and all the elections coming up in less than two weeks.

Then you'll hear Tommy's conversation with Denise Ferriozzi from the Pipeline Fund about building a deeper democratic bench and why it's so important for people to run for local office.

But first...

Alex, welcome back to the show.

Oh, guys, I'm thrilled.

Now, contractually, Dan is supposed to be in the same room with me, so I'll have to talk to HR about that.

Well, you didn't come to me.

If you had come to the West Coast, then we could have done that.

Yeah, okay.

All right.

Well, you know, we're working on

having both of you sitting around this table with me.

We would love to be.

We would love to be.

I'm happy to be here because it's a big day for me.

Huge day.

As a cousin to the crooked family.

Tell us all about it.

You have your new podcast, Runaway Country.

Yes, Runaway Country is live.

The first episode is out.

For people who have missed my shameless and unending promotion of it, I'll just give you a little taste.

It is all about hearing from people who are at the center of these big headline stories that in many ways have become abstract because there's so damn many of them.

And this week we are talking to an immigration court judge who was recently fired because Trump is firing all the people that know about immigration law and who has had first-hand experience dealing with ICE agents in her courtroom and outside her courtroom, has had to adjudicate wrenching cases as sobbing and screaming is heard through the walls on the other side, has had a case log of thousands of cases.

There, I think, are only 600 of these judges left.

They have to deal with 3.8 million immigration cases.

And it's really a story from, you know, a human first-hand perspective about

what Trump is trying to do to our system of due process.

So we have Judge Anam Petit, who's our

person giving us that visceral emotional storytelling, and then some really high-quality analysis from the great Andrew Weissman, who is himself a target of Trump as a former member of the Department of Justice and talks a lot about kind of what we can expect in terms of rule of law and its erosion in the Trump years.

It's a very good conversation.

I'm proud of it.

I hope everybody likes it.

And you'll leave angry, but maybe inspired to try and do something about it.

I absolutely.

love the first episode.

I like loved the idea for the podcast and knew that you would crush it.

But when I listened to the first episode, it reminded me that, especially in the second Trump administration, there's just so much news, so many headlines.

And to me, what's broken through and really made me angriest and inspired me are these like individual stories of people who've been affected by what's happening because I think they can get lost in just the discussion of the headlines.

And sitting down and listening to the judge speak and what she's gone through, what she went through, what's happening in a lot of these courtrooms, it was just, it was fascinating, enraging.

And it did, it did inspire me to keep going.

Well, and to, and also maybe I think we just needed some storytelling to help us understand the moment, right?

It's just like, it's all so, it's become kind of abstract.

That's for those of us lucky enough not to be affected directly by, you know, family members getting snatched off the street or losing their health insurance or whatever the issue is.

But I think it's really important.

I know I have a lot of friends who are like, I don't even know how to parse it.

You know, I don't know how to think about it.

And I think one way is just on the human level.

So that's Runaway Country, guys.

New episodes of Runaway Country drop every Thursday on YouTube and wherever you get your podcasts.

So go ahead right now, go subscribe while you're listening to this so you don't miss an episode.

Uh, you'll thank us later.

Uh, we're excited, Alex.

Thanks, buddies.

All right, let's get to the news.

People are paying higher prices thanks to Trump's tariffs, inflation's on the rise, unemployment's on the rise, health insurance is about to get a lot more expensive for millions, and we are recording this on day 23 of a government shutdown that has left hundreds of thousands of people out of work, many who won't get their jobs back because the White House has decided to use the shutdown as an excuse to just just fire people.

But good news.

Thanks to the presidency, Donald Trump has never been richer.

And now he's demanding that taxpayers cut him a personal check for $230 million.

The New York Times reports that Trump filed complaints against the federal government for investigating his many alleged crimes.

And now the federal government, run by Donald Trump, is likely to settle those claims in Donald Trump's favor, surprise, surprise, to the tune of up to $230 million

paid for by all of us.

Trump was asked about this novel arrangement in the Oval this week.

Here he is.

I don't know what the numbers are.

I don't even talk to them about it.

All I know is that they would owe me a lot of money, but I'm not looking for money.

I'd give it to charity or something.

I would give it to charity.

With the country, it's interesting because I'm the one that makes a decision, right?

And, you know, that decision would have to go across my desk.

And it's awfully strange to make a decision where I'm paying myself but I was damaged very greatly and any money that I would get I would give to charity it's it's awfully strange to be making a decision where I pay myself and yet I will go ahead and do it anyway but rest assure I'm sure he will be you know giving it to a charity that all the America the American taxpayers probably support right mind-boggling corruption here we haven't even gotten to Trump's pardon of the crypto terrorist financer who made his family family rich.

We'll get there.

But I'm sure a lot of people are wondering, how the hell can Trump just raid the treasury like this?

Dan?

Well, technically he can't.

I know this word's going to feel very 2017, but you remember emoluments?

Where we all said emoluments?

Oh, boy.

Now,

old school.

Early

seasons.

I know.

But there was a lot of

hatch act is no longer.

And as we will point out on this podcast many times, Trump is immune from the Hatch Act.

But emolument, like there was a lot of discussion in 2017 about foreign governments buying hotel rooms at the Trump, at the recently departed Trump Hotel as a way to put money in Trump's pocket.

That worked its way to the courts.

Did not happen.

There is another emoluments clause, which is very specific to domestic emoluments, which says the president of the United States cannot receive money beyond his salary, as designated by Congress, from the government, the federal government, or the state government.

This would be a very clear and obvious violation of that.

So that is one.

Second, I mean, this is, he's going to try to do it.

Will the Supreme Court would have to twist itself in some relatively unprecedented knots to let him keep this money?

They might do that, they might not, but just the process by which this happens is unbelievable because the specific Department of Justice manual says that any award, any sort of reparations award like this of more than $4 million must be approved by either the Associate Attorney General or the Deputy Attorney General.

The Associate Attorney General is a man who is a favorite lawyer of trump allies and defended a lot of them through all of these cases and the deputy attorney general is trump's personal attorney so yeah seems pretty cool so it seems like he's got a good chance

it seems like he's put the right people in place Alex, what did you make of this story?

Well, okay, a couple things.

One is, like, if you're one of the stooges that Trump's installed at the Department of Justice, I feel like basically everything you're doing at this point, you know, sort of secretly in the back of your head might be unconstitutional, could actually get you indicted, but you're just gunning for a pardon.

So if you're Todd Blanche, you're like, you know, I'm in already, so I can't risk not getting the pardon.

So

I'm all in.

If I'm in for a penny, I'm in for a pound.

That's a bad incentive structure.

I'm just going to stay for people who are the nation's top law enforcement officials.

The other piece is I think people should understand why Trump is even able to do this.

The law exists for Americans who are, oh, I don't know, unlawfully detained by ICE.

They are the victims of uses of excessive force from federal law enforcement officers.

And, you know, there are stories, like gutting stories of people who are, I mean, you can imagine in this season of ICE snatching and detention, people who are American citizens who are pepper sprayed by ICE, whose cars are destroyed by ICE, whose lives are in some ways traumatized by ICE, who then try and use this law to seek some kind of reparations.

It is very hard to get any money from the federal government because you were wronged.

And the idea that Donald Trump is going to try and get $250 million from the American taxpayer, which by the way, John, he suggested, I believe today, may go to pay for the new 90,000 square foot ballroom at the White House.

Yes, great use of taxpayer funds is just,

it is appalling even for Donald Trump, right?

It's a mashup of like the two worst things he's done this week, that he could be suing the Justice Department to pay for a fascist monstrosity attached to the White House residents.

I mean, it's just, and, and the, and, and the, the, you know, the asymmetry of who's getting, who could get the money and who doesn't get the money is decidedly un-American.

I will say I believe, and I'm not an expert in this, he can get the money, he can get the payout, and we won't know until the end of the year when the sort of receipts are tallied effectively and the, uh, the DOJ has to report out its numbers.

Aaron Powell, it can be a, it can be a basically a secret settlement when it actually happens.

They could theoretically also defer the payment until after his presidency to get around the emoluments clause.

Right.

The Times did a follow-up story actually talking about sort of the double standard here.

And they mentioned George Reddis, who's the Iraq war veteran from out here in California, who ICE detained for three days.

I've talked about him to Miller, interviewed him on the bulwark.

Here's a horrifying story, just taken away from his family for three days and for no reason, never charged with anything.

And he has filed one of these claims and has not heard at all back from the government.

And if no one gets back to him within six months, he can sue under the Federal Tort Reform Act.

But there is this loophole there where federal agents and federal officers have like pretty broad latitude and discretion to act sort of like in the line of duty here.

And it's like, it's basically like immunity, which is why so few people get these claims heard.

But Donald Trump's going to get it.

He's not going to get it heard.

He's just going to just settle it because he's in charge of the government and his former defense lawyers are running the Department of Justice.

It's crazy.

It's the worst example of corruption yet, I think.

Well, it does bring to mind, like, why even bother with the, like, you know, the, the, like, why even pretend that this is anything other than stealing from the government?

Like, Andrew Weissman told me on the podcast this week, like, why not just go for Fort Knox?

Just like go in there and take some gold bars, right?

Like that's basically what's happening here.

Yeah, that'll be that'll be year six.

As I mentioned, Trump isn't the only convicted criminal profiting off his connections.

Cheng Peng Zhao, also known as CZ, the founder of Binance Crypto Exchange, he'd been convicted of failing to report financial transactions from terrorist organizations like Hamas, Al-Qaeda, and ISIS that were using Binance to launder money.

Then Binance made a multi-billion dollar deal with the Trump family crypto company.

CZ tweeted that he wouldn't mind a pardon.

And now it looks like CZ and Binance are going to be back in business.

Win for Binance, win for the terrorist money launderers.

Most importantly, a win for Donald Trump.

He was asked about this by Caitlin Collins of CNN at the White House today.

Let's listen.

Can you explain why you chose to pardon him?

And did it have anything to do with his involvement in your family?

The founder of Binance.

He has an involvement in your own family's one.

A lot of people say that he wasn't guilty of anything.

He served four months in jail, and they say that he was not guilty of anything, that what he did, well, you don't know much about crypto.

You know nothing about nothing.

You have fake news.

But I've been told by a lot of support.

He had a lot of support.

And they said that what he did is not even a crime.

It wasn't a crime.

That he was persecuted by the Biden administration.

And so I gave him a pardon at the request of a lot of very good people.

Do you think a lot of those good people were Eric, Don Jr., Hamas, ISIS?

Like, what?

Not a crime.

Not a crime.

Allowing your crypto company to be a crypto exchange, to be double as a money laundering operation for al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Hamas.

Not a crime?

I mean, when you go back and read the files on this and the evidence, it was just they like they were explicitly trying to hide evidence.

I mean, it's like they're obviously guilty here.

This has two challenges, like we can get to the corruption of it in a second, but it's going to CZ

and Binance will be back against the United States and is going to end the Department of Justice monitoring of the program almost certainly.

And then there's a separate monitoring agreement where the Treasury Department, the people who do terrorist financing there are monitoring how Binance does its activities.

That does not end on its own from this pardon, but all it requires is Scott Bessett to just say it can end.

And so they're like fully back in this.

Scott Bessett.

Yeah.

Yeah.

I would trust it.

He's, he's, he's the bulwark.

He'll, he'll stand in there.

Do we, do we not care about terrorist financing anymore?

I thought, I thought, I thought we were going after Antifa and

not just the violent Antifa soldiers in the streets, but all of their, all of the groups funding them, right?

I thought that was a big, big part of the Trump agenda here.

No, Alex?

The Antifa stuff is just so they can tap your phone, John.

Sure, yeah, well.

Which I should joke about because, yeah.

You know, a quarter of the FBI agents who used to deal with cybercrimes, counterterrorism, they've been moved over to immigration enforcement.

Like, you talk about the disassembly of the national security infrastructure, and it has been conducted weirdly in the shadows.

I mean, even though it's clear what's happening, there hasn't been paid nearly enough attention.

This is just another plank in all of that.

I mean, like, we're now making it much easier for terrorists to launder money and fund terrorist operations, like on all levels.

At the same time, the reason Trump is doing this is because, what is it, World Liberty Financial, his crypto company, has been grossly enriched by CZ and Co.

And like, you know, we talk about what it's going to look like if and when Trump ever leaves the White House.

He's going to be, you know, at least on paper, a very rich man because he has established a full-blown kleptocracy.

I mean, that is all this is.

Like, you cannot look at the, you know, corporations that are funding the destruction of the East Wing and the pardoning of these crypto bros and as anything other than just personal enrichment on the DOJ suit.

I mean, all of it's just so that he can get rich.

It is full-blown kleptocracy at this point.

I mean, the fact pattern here is stunning, right?

Which is World Libby Financial debuts this new coin called USD1.

Binance then gets a $2 billion investment that they want paid for in USD1 coins.

So that's a

giant boost for World Libya Financial and this new coin.

Much of the growth in the USD1 coin has also come from its presence on a trading platform called PancakeSwap, which is administered by Binance.

CZ tweets out that like any felon, he would welcome a pardon.

CZ then hires one of Donald Trump Jr.'s best friends as his lobbyist.

CZ gets the pardon.

It's not complicated.

No, you don't have to know anything about crypto to understand exactly what happens.

Give billions of dollars to Trump's family, get a pardon.

Yeah,

have some connections, reach out to the right people, have enough money.

You can commit any crime you want.

And yet, if the government

treats you poorly, if it abuses you, if it breaks the law to hurt you, then you are screwed.

Or if you're on a boat in the Caribbean or in the Pacific,

don't be on a boat.

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Now you might be thinking, all this corruption might make voters pretty angry, and they may take that out on the president and his party in future elections.

Unfortunately, the president has thought of that too.

Here's another time story from this week.

Quote, election officials from nearly all 50 states gathered on a call last month with the Homeland Security Department's point person on election integrity.

And quote, many of them left alarmed because the official, who is a kooky election denier activist named Heather Honey, talked about rigged voting machines favoring Democrats on this call.

During a call with election denier activists in March, right before Honey was appointed, she said that in future elections, Trump could declare a national emergency based on his team's investigation of the 2020 election that would then allow the White House to force new election rules and mandates on states and local governments.

Trump himself alluded to this in the Oval this week.

Here he is.

We can never let what happened in the 2020 election happen again.

We just can't let that happen.

And so the way we go, I know Cash is working on it, everybody's working on it,

and certainly Tulsi is working on it.

We can't let that happen again to our country.

Look at what's happened.

So

what do you think Cash and Tulsi are working on, guys?

Dan,

you think the intelligence director and the FBI director,

they're working on few.

What do they have to do with our elections?

This whole story is so bizarre in so many ways.

There's like the very clear real problem or immediate problem that long before Donald Trump was making up stories about stolen elections, there were people trying to interfere in our elections, particularly foreign governments.

And that's why these jobs exist to try to stop that from happening.

We know that Russia, Iran, China have tried to hack into things, interfere with elections.

They're going to do that again.

And now instead of having actual professionals in the jobs designed to stop them, we have a bunch of fucking morons who believe the dumbest conspiracy theories alive.

So that's like a real threat.

that like we like that is bigger than whatever it is they can do.

Now, this person's idea that Trump could declare a national emergency and seize elections is not, that is not a thing.

That's not a thing that can happen.

That's not a power he has.

The elections are very clearly administered by

states, right?

They don't have to listen to the federal government on these things.

They can't change the rules.

They can't suspend the election.

That is not something that Trump has the power to do, whether he declares a national emergency or not.

The thing that is alarming, and this is where the cash patel piece comes in, is in a world in which the Democrats take the House narrowly or take the Senate narrowly, you can see them, with the help of the FBI and the DOJ and the DHS trumping up pun intended investigate, you know, claims of voter fraud and investigations.

Like he wanted to seize the voting machines in 2020.

His homeland secretary would not let him back then.

His homeland security secretary will definitely let him this time.

And that's where, like, he can't cancel elections, he can't stop the elections, but he has great power to cast doubt on them and mess with the counting of the votes.

Yeah, Alex, I heard Andrew Weissman talk to you about this on Runaway Country in the episode about his fear that the DOJ could actually seize the voting machines, which seems to me like

that should go through a court before they get to seize the voting machines.

Is Aileen Cannon busy?

I don't know.

I mean, like, I think there's two things to talk about.

One is the 2026 midterms.

And already we know that there's going to be, I mean, with the redistricting

shenanigans, which is too

flippant a term for what Trump is trying to do.

They're already trying to steal that election.

But, you know, when you see the presence of National Guard troops, when you see Trump already laying the groundwork for saying, you know, this is a national emergency, we need to send in security, like you can see a world in which he tries to fuck with blue cities and states on election day and depress the vote.

You can absolutely see ahead of 2028 fucking with early and mail-in voting.

That's already in the list of demands that these psychos that are now installed in the Trump administration to oversee election integrity.

That's already something they're asking for.

What's so surprising to me in the reporting on this is that after the 2024 election, rather than like lay down arms and be like, oh, look, Donald Trump got reelected.

Like maybe the system isn't broken.

They're newly emboldened to make a set of asks of this president.

They're installed in positions of power and they're working behind the scenes to do what they can.

I mean.

The Times suggests that there could be some kind of federal intrusion into state election results.

I'm with Dan.

I think it's like a little early to panic about that happening, but I don't think anything's off the table given where we are, I mean, the brazenness of his immigration dragnets and his, the lawlessness of the ICE officers and the National Guard troops trying to foment literally a civil war between states.

Is it like that far of a stretch to see him doing something on election day in a blue city or blue state?

I don't think so.

And as if we've learned from 2020, it's like once you put the poison, you cannot put the toothpaste back in the tube.

Once the poison is out in the air and people believe that something wrong, something wicked has happened in a certain precinct, you know, it becomes very difficult to convince people otherwise.

And delegitimizing those who are elected to the House, I mean, they're not seeding people who were duly elected, right?

Because it's advantageous to Democrats.

Like

anything's on the table.

And

people should know Heather Honey's name.

Right.

Like we need to inform ourselves about the people who are, I think, soon going to become the tip of the spear for Trump in and around elections because we all know Rudy Giuliani.

We remember Cleta Mitchell, but there's another wave.

There's like Gen 2.0, and they have power and they're at work right now trying to undermine our right to vote.

Yeah, I think my first reaction when I read this or I saw the headlines with the story and then some other stories about like Trump appointing 2020 election deniers to look back at the 2020 election and do yet another investigation is I was like, oh, maybe this is a bunch of kooks trying to fight the last war and Trump just wants to put out some report that says, oh, it was rigged in 2020 and that's just going to be, you know, he's going to make him happy.

But this piece, it really gets to

the challenge here.

And what's really scary is that they are looking ahead to future elections.

This is not just about relitigating 2020.

This is about 2026, 2028, and beyond.

And that's why people, I think, have to really pay attention to it.

I will say, Trump and his goons aren't treating the White House as a rental these days.

Every president puts their own stamp on the historic building, and plenty have made renovations during their tenure.

Nothing in our lifetimes has come close to what Trump is doing, demolishing the entire east wing of the White House to make room for a new 90,000 square foot, $300 million ballroom that nobody needs and nobody asked for.

Like most of Trump's construction projects, he sold this one to people by lying about its costs, its footprint, how disruptive it will be.

Let's listen to how Trump's explanation has, shall we say, evolved over time.

It won't interfere with the current building.

It'll be

near it, but not touching it.

And pays total respect to the existing building, which I'm the biggest fan of.

It's my favorite place.

I love it.

You probably hear the beautiful sound of construction to the back.

You hear that sound?

Oh, that's music to my ears.

I love that sound.

Other people don't like it.

I love it, Josh.

I think when I hear that sound, it reminds me of money.

For those of you just listening, that last clip is just a jackhammer going while

the last remains of the East Wing are demolished.

It's gone now.

It is now, the East Wing is gone of the White House.

You guys have both spent time in the White House, particularly the East Wing initial reactions?

Dan?

I am so mad about this.

You're really, okay, I am.

I mean, it's just like, it's obviously not, I'm not saying that it's the, I'm unbiased in it.

Like, we worked in the White House.

We spent time there.

It's a very special place,

right?

It's not Trump's house, not the president's house, the people's house.

Presidents get to rent it for four years.

And if they're lucky, they get to extend that lease for another four years.

And as you know, it is something you like when you're in that house, where you're the president or a staffer or even a visitor, you take like you understand the history of it.

You take it so seriously.

Like my wife worked in the East Wing when she worked with the First Lady.

She was telling me this morning about how when they had to move things around for events, you get the White House curator to come, they put on white gloves because the stuff is so historic.

I mean, it's like a very serious thing.

And to just destroy it for literally no reason to build what is inevitably going to be a tacky, massive ballroom that no one but Trump wanted.

And he's definitely going to put his name on it.

Like, you know, he looks at the Truman balcony every day and says, it's going to be the Trump ballroom.

There's going to be a plaque there.

I look forward to the first

Democratic president taking that plaque down, but to just destroy it, and it says something about

not that we need a reminder, but it says something about his view of everything he doesn't care about anything that came before him he doesn't care about anything that came after him he doesn't view this as the people's house he doesn't view this as his role in history it's just about him in that moment and if he can do this right think about all the other things he could do right at least he like he caroline level was asked today about whether why trump couldn't just uh raise the jefferson memorial and put something else up and she kind of implied he could if he wanted to

yeah cool he can do he can do whatever he wants yeah it's, I think it's, I think it's really sad.

It's like there is just something about just destroying a national historic landmark for no fucking reason that should, that makes obviously me as someone who, in all of us who have a connection to it, angry, but it should make everyone angry.

Alex, what do you think?

I mean, these fuckers are the ones that are putting Confederate statues back up in the name of history.

Yeah, that's good point.

Good point.

What?

Like a flag waving patriotism, preservation of history, and you're just tearing down the entire East Wing of the White House to build a corporate event space to entertain Lockheed Martin executives or, I don't know, have like mooney style mass weddings.

I have no idea.

Like,

but it doesn't even matter, right?

Like, it's everything Dan said.

This is a monument to ego.

This is his Versailles.

This is monarchical behavior.

This is maybe going to be funded ultimately by the American taxpayer.

I mean, it's so absolutely fucking disgusting.

But the way I think of it is, and the way I've been sort of trying to like dig in and like manage my feelings of distress around this, it's like, everybody's got to stop thinking about the Trump administration in terms of election cycles.

Like in the same way that they tried to contextualize these renovations by saying, well, Calvin Coolidge redid the attic and Barack Obama put a basketball court in and Nixon put a bowling alley in.

We need to think of Trump in terms of history and the institutions he's destroying are going to take decades to rebuild.

Everybody's got to dig the fuck in and buckle up because nothing is going to be repaired by like next year.

And honestly, we need to start thinking about politics like that too.

It's like,

it's a long-term investment, and he's trying to change the course of American history.

And it's going to take a powerful citizen-led, hopefully with the Democrats on board movement to undo the damage he is doing right now.

And like, you don't need a better example than what he's doing to the East Wing.

It's like, okay, this is some history right here.

Like,

it's going to take time to rebuild this and undo it and dig in.

You know what's not going to take time, though, demolishing the Trump ballroom next time next time there's a Democratic president.

Well, it's going to be made of like, you know, drywall and like

fake gold leaf.

So, yeah.

It's just going to be a toxic dump site.

I talked about this on Tim Miller's, on the bulwark pod with Tim Miller this week, and we were talking about Jonathan Van Last.

JVL has been on a tear about this, and he's like, I want every Democratic candidate for president to be like, you know, one of the first days in office, I will bulldoze this.

And I was joking about it.

Tim and I were both joking about it.

The more I read it, it's like, I still don't think it's like top priority for any Democrat running for president.

But yeah, I'd do it.

I'd bulldoze that shit.

You're going to be in the seat of the bulldozer just like

you and you and Charlie.

I'm not going to spend a lot of, I'm not going to spend a lot of time campaigning on it or running a whole bunch of ads about it, but yeah, I'm fucking doing it for sure.

The plaques, not just the plaque coming off that says it's the Trump ballroom.

No, the whole ballroom's coming down.

Just bulldoze.

Done.

I read JVL's rebuttal to your ridicule of him, and it's quite compelling, I would say.

He's doing a great job.

He makes a very strong point that you don't need political capital for this, right?

It's not like you're doing the ballroom destruction and passing Medicare for all.

You can do both.

I will say the reason that it did not, it's not like it hasn't made me as angry as some of the other stories is it is destroying a historic monument and it is doing unnecessary, he's doing it unnecessarily and and he's acting like a king, like all that.

But there's so many people being like hurt right now.

Like, I said this to Tim, which is like, if you, you could, he can, he can demolish the entire White House, just raise the whole thing to the ground if he takes ice off the street.

You know, so like, there's just, so it's, and there's been so much focus on it, and I get why there's been so much focus on it because it's an image.

And boy, when you see the, someone just took a, like a, this was on Twitter, an aerial image because they were landing at DCA of the White House.

And so it was like the first image of of the from afar the white house the west wing and now just nothing and it you you see that image and you're like holy

that that breaks through that definitely breaks through what's the polling on this dan um is that your next question john look you you can imagine i didn't mean to i think

i love a good conversation like this so it doesn't seem as yeah no i just i just know dan has the polling though i don't ask i want to have it memorized because it was in the question so it's it is

sorry there's okay you've now you've exposed exposed me as a fraud.

I'm just supposed to be just rolling out

like retweeting your polling post.

Like, okay, whatever.

I thought you knew it, my man.

Sorry.

Yeah, just give yourself a chat GPT.

You don't need Dan.

It's fifth.

Message box is seven bucks a month.

Chat GPT is 20 bucks a month.

It's quite a deal.

Take that $13 to the bank, people.

YouGov, you gov, 53% of Americans are against the destruction of the East Wing, which is what's happening.

Or I think the question was the ballroom.

There's two questions.

There's the ballroom and there's the East Wrom.

Yeah, and the destruction of the East Wing is even worse.

Yes, yes.

People are, they are, they don't want a ballroom.

They don't think it's a great use of time, energy, and resources right now, but they really don't think the president should bulldoze the fucking White House.

Yeah, that's definitely because I think when I first heard the ballroom, I was like, oh, that's so Trump.

That's so fucking annoying.

How much is that going to cost?

And I thought it was just going to be like tacked on to like the end of the East Wing there.

Like I just had a different vision.

Who knew that the whole fucking East Wing was coming down?

I mean, you had that vision because he told you that.

He told you it would not

affect the facade of the White House.

So, you know, how they used to like put those tents up that would be for like big state danners.

I assume they were just going to kind of build out that way.

But that's sort of what I thought, too.

I mean, it's truly,

I've been going through this with my wife all day.

She's very upset about this.

It was like her, they bulldozed her office, right?

They built the first, they built Michelle Obama's office, the like all the way to the office.

They bulldozed Melania Trump's office.

It was a metaphor for a marriage.

Oh, God.

And

yet another immigrant that the federal government has come after.

It's really, I mean, it's like,

you're right.

In a world of like ICE raids and National Guard and people losing their health insurance, like this building and the memories that a lot of people have in it, not just people who work there, people who have visited there.

It's obviously second to that, but it's just, it's like a sad thing.

So apparently,

you know, Trump keeps saying that the taxpayers are not going to fund Mar-a-Lago on the Potomac, but

he's just going to finance it with other money.

And I guess that's true because there's a bunch of corporate donors that are financing this thing.

Alex, you were talking about this earlier.

What's the sitting in one of their houses right now?

Comcast.

Who's on the list?

Who's on the list here?

Who's financing this thing?

You know, it's interesting because there are people, and they're big corporations.

None of them are going to surprise you maybe necessarily, but the ones who have explicitly committed money to the ballroom project itself are Lockheed Martin and I believe

Booz Allen Hamilton.

And

I believe Google has also pledged $5 million or more for the White House ballroom project.

But then you have, we have a record of other companies, including Apple, Comcast, Coinbase, T-Mobile, the Adelson family, now surprised there, Microsoft, Amazon, Meta, and Meta Platforms,

and the Winklevi, the The Winklevi, Howard Luttneck, also giving money.

This ties to the CZ thing, which is like a highly disproportionate number of crypto companies and crypto people.

The Winklevi are crypto entrepreneurs who would become very clear.

And Trump likes them a lot because they're from central casting as far as what he thinks crypto bro should look like.

But yeah, I mean, it's like the inaugural slush fund.

It's like, here's a way for us to curry favor with someone who's powerful in front of whom we have business interests.

Because I don't think Sundarpachai really is that excited to have a space to entertain fellow CEOs.

But here, such is the reality in which we live.

I would like to see some kind of color of change campaign to have citizens contact these corporations and say, Are you really for the destruction of this East Wing?

Are you really for the building of a monstrous 90,000 square foot ballroom?

Shame on you.

Are you paying for the destruction of our living history?

Because fuck off if you are.

It is, uh, it is pretty fucking outrageous.

It's also like

a bunch bunch of the richest companies in the world

who are doing just, you know, between Booz Allen and fucking the AI people.

It's just, it is, it's like a kind of thing that if a, if a, if a liberal said this a couple years ago, they would be like mocked as a cringy resistance person that the, that Trump is going to bulldoze the White House and a new ballroom's going to be constructed with the help of all of his corporate oligarchs.

like it's ridiculous it's happening i would also like to see some account like there's no process by which that money is accounted for right this is not a publicly like there's no it's not like there's an fc report so

these companies have given 300 million dollars how do we know where that money goes how do we know how it's spent isn't it the park service somehow has a tab there's like a there is a actually a a wing of the government that is dedicated to taking in the money that i think is in turn managed by the national park service i could be wrong but there is some receptacle for this specifically earmarked money.

So someone somewhere has a ledger.

But all this, all these privately funded White House things are all slush funds where like when you they're privately funded like the inauguration was the redecorating funds or slush they're you never really they don't have

Like we have transparency since we know companies that have done this and individuals who've done it, but there's not any sense of how the money is spent.

It's not audited in any way, shape, or form.

Maybe a Democratic majority can do that if we get one, if Heather Honey doesn't stop us.

Bookkeeping is not their passion, Dan.

No.

No, they have the same approach to bookkeeping as Jason Bateman had in Ozark.

Nice Ozark ref.

Yes, thank you.

Thank you.

Thank you.

One Democrat who's going through his own renovation project, Maine Senate candidate Graham Plattner.

How's that for a segue?

That is perfect.

That's pretty good.

Did you just make that up on the spot?

You know, I'm not going to take credit for that one.

I'll take credit for it when I do it, but I'm not doing that.

Nobody knows.

I'm not giving that one to read.

Or maybe it was Saul.

I don't know.

Sorry.

Someone did.

Someone did on our team.

In our Tuesday episode, Tommy asked Plattner about a tattoo on his chest of a totenkopf, which now we all know, the skull and crossbones image used by the Nazi SS.

Plattner said he wasn't aware of what it meant when he got it in Croatia as a drunk 23-year-old Marine.

On Wednesday, after a bit of online chatter, Plattner revealed that he got the tattoo covered up.

He's also dealing with the fallout from his many, many Reddit posts, including several homophobic slurs and jokes that were reported by the advocate, which Plattner apologized for and said were indefensible in an interview with The Outlet.

Plattner did speak to a Pac-Town hall in a Gunkwit, Maine this week, and got some good news from a UNH poll that was in the field between October 16th and 21st.

So after many of the Reddit posts came out, but before the Nazi tattoo story, the poll shows that Maine Democrats favor Plattner over Governor Janet Mills by a whopping 58 to 24 percent.

Mills' overall approval rating with Mainers has also taken a dive since since the last UNH poll in August.

She's gone from a plus four net approval to a minus 12 disapproval with only 35% of independents and 2% of Republicans approving.

Alex, we've all talked quite a bit about this story.

Some people probably think more than enough that they never want to hear it again.

What are your thoughts?

Aaron Powell,

I will say this about Graham Platter.

I think if there is one residual effect of the Trump administration or the Trump years, it is that politicians can own their

mistakes and they can be,

I think it is a good thing when people in politics admit that they have erred and that they are human.

And I'm not saying that to excuse homophobia or potentially racist tattoos or anti-Semitic tattoos or whatever.

I just think it is a good development if people feel like

they can own their past, they can apologize for it, they can let the voters decide whether the apology apology is sufficient, but that we don't pretend that people have lived their lives from, you know, the day they were born hoping to gain office and that they have had experiences and they've made mistakes and they've lived lives.

Because ultimately, I think it serves us as a public to have people who have been in the world and have learned things and have evolved.

And I'm, again, not making excuses for Graham Plattner, but I think it is a good thing for us politically to not be so afraid of our past.

So I think the way he's approached the sort of scandal here by going out there and talking to people and talking to Tommy and saying, like, this is, you know, I regret this, I did this, but this was me and it made me who I am today is like, that's a good thing.

And I don't know that that kind of, that kind of meaculpo would have happened before Trump, where it's like, nothing, you can do anything.

But no, I think that you can be honestly who you are and voters will maybe try not, they'll understand that.

And maybe it's not going to be a death knell for your campaign.

So that part is good.

You know, I don't know.

Dan and I kind of disagree on this.

I don't know.

I think, Janet, I guess I think that I understand

the concerns about absolutely being knighted by Chuck Schumer and chosen by the establishment to be the candidate and why that is distasteful and it is fundamentally anti-democratic.

I also think that there is a real difference between someone who's been in the Senate for like six terms and someone who just happens to be old, still wants to fight, has stood up to Donald Trump, said to him in the White House to his face, I'll see you in court.

Like that's a different kind of fighter than some of the aged, albeit wonderful public servants we see in the upper chamber.

And I don't think we should, you know, I don't think it's necessarily fair to put her in the same box as, for example, Dick Durbin.

Okay.

Not that he's a bad person.

And like last but not least, I just am a little bit with Jonathan Martin on this when it's like Democrats do get very enthralled with anti-establishment outsiders who are very charismatic.

And, you know, I'm thinking of Betto O'Rourke and his potty mouth.

And, you know, like, I do worry a little bit that he's such, he is, he is good.

He's a good, you know, like he's got a lot to recommend him.

But I, I do worry about like whether this is actually someone who's going to win the weird ass state of Maine.

It's a weird state.

A wonderful state.

No disrespect, Maine or something.

Dan, before you go,

I'm going to just read you

just a quote from what Alex was just referencing, our friend Jonathan Martin's politico column, and then I'm just going to let you cook.

You shouldn't do that.

You should not do that.

Alex and I are going to set a timer.

We'll give you...

Even if he's going to play me off like the Oscars.

Just let them have the rest of the show.

So Jay Mart says the Democrats need to stop, quote, swooning over, quote, political, outsider, or mostly new name candidates who rely on online video and lean, quote, heavily on compelling biography or powerful oratory, which caused, quote, out-of-state liberal hobbyists to fall in love and donate and for journalists to, quote, rush to profile the latest heartthrob before inevitable disappointment when the candidate loses or well becomes John Fetterman.

Obviously, a lot to respond to there, Dan.

Okay.

We like Jonathan Martin.

We've known him for a very long time.

I think he is a very astute observer of politics.

I don't understand a word he wrote in this piece.

Okay.

Should we repeat it?

Should we have Don Ray read it?

Yeah, I mean, I understand the, like, I know, I understand the syllables.

I understand the individual words.

I just don't understand the point, I guess, is the way I'd say it.

So, first, the idea that Democrats are constantly falling in love with these crazy outsider candidates who can't win elections is belied by the fact that our last three nominees were Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden, and then Kamala Harris, who may have been exciting or may not have been, but we didn't have a primary to find out because she was hand-picked and no one ran against her.

And so, and in many of those races, there were exciting

grassroots progressive candidates who ran and lost.

The Democrats did not pick those people.

So that's one.

Two, the examples that Jonathan and also now Alex have cited, I dispute because Betto O'Rourke

was an exciting candidate.

He did have a potty mouth.

He also did better in Texas than any Democrat in a couple of decades and came very close to winning that race.

And there is no, I don't think anyone can credibly argue that there was some safe Texas establishment figure who would have done better than better did in that race.

The other one that Jonathan Martin cites is Stacey Abrams.

Exciting, got lots of money from out of state.

People were really excited about her, very inspiring candidate.

She came closer to winning the Georgia governorship than any other Democrat in a very long time.

And because of the race she won, Democrats won the Senate seats of John Oslo and Raphael Warnick, and Biden won the state in 2020.

And so it's not like, once again, we put all of our money and hopes in this, in this losing candidate when there was this winning candidate.

Amy McGrath, different story.

She is someone who raised a ton of money online because everyone wanted to beat Mitch McConnell.

I think in part because Senate Democrats, the DSEC and Chuck Schumer perpetuated this fiction that McConnell was beatable in order to raise more money for the effort to elect Democrats across the country.

It kind of bilked donors out of their money.

But once again, there was no other candidate.

We didn't pick Amy McGrath over some other candidate who would have done a better job to win.

In fact, a few years later, when Charles Booker ran against Rand Paul in that same seat, this very exciting progressive candidate, he did just as well as she did, if not a little bit better.

And then the last thing I would say, and then let's take the Fetterman thing.

Everyone keeps saying this thing like, didn't you guys learn your lessons from Fetterman?

As if Fetterman was some unknown person and everyone just fell in love with his hoodies and tattoos and shaved head.

John Fetterman was the two-term lieutenant governor of the state.

He had been a very prominent mayor for almost a decade at that point.

He was the mayor of Braddock who endorsed Barack Obama in 2008.

He was not unknown by anyone.

He was very well well known.

Now he changed all of his positions after he got in his attitude once he got in office.

But that is not the same.

That says nothing about Graham Plattner or any of these other candidates.

Last point on this, and I have one more thing to respond to Alex on, and then I'll be done, I promise.

The main thing that bothers me about J Mart's piece, not Alex, J Mart's piece is that

is the entire and a lot of the actual anti-Platinar discussion since the posts and the tattoo came about is this idea that candidates who excite voters are doing some sort of parlor trick.

That it's like they're just they're tricking people into liking them.

And the attitude from the establishment and some of the media folks is like, you fucking rubes, how did you fall for that trick again?

You got all excited about this candidate when you should have just taken the boring candidate we tried to shove down your throats.

Instead of like, sometimes the grassroots will like a candidate who maybe isn't the best one.

And maybe Grant Plattner is not the best one.

He may not be.

But sometimes they will like a candidate who is the best one.

Like, i don't know barack obamama because that same attitude was what we heard every single day on that campaign oh look at obama and his rallies and his celebrities but what you really got to do is support hillary clinton or john edwards one of these others you know long-term politicians don't do the newcomer and when that when people instead of dismissing the candidates who get people excited and the voters who get excited by the candidates The establishment try to figure out why they're getting excited and maybe learn some of those lessons and apply them to their candidates.

Maybe Janet, so last point here, I promise.

Maybe Janet Mills will be an exciting candidate.

Like she may be, we don't know.

Maybe she is a better candidate than Graham Plattner, particularly after all these revelations.

I don't know the answer to that, right?

I do not know the answer to that.

And I don't think anyone else does either.

And that's really been my main beef about everyone declaring that he's a worse candidate than her.

No one knows because there's a lot of arguments that would show that a two-term establishment governor who is 77 and will be in her mid-80s at the end of her first term and is the second least popular governor in may not be the best candidate either.

And so we should just let the voters in Maine figure it out.

Okay, I'm done.

I'll stop now.

It's funny that you mentioned Obama there because, you know, there's

people have been talking quite a bit online.

People have a lot of feelings about everything over this last week.

There's a lot of people who are like, are these guys, what are the pod guys working for Platiner?

And I'm like, it is, it's less about Platiner.

I think our reaction is because of like what we experienced on the Obama campaign.

And I almost started.

Obvious psychology.

Obviously, and I almost started laughing when I was reading J.

Mart, the quotes from Jay Mart's piece, where it was like swooning over political outsider or a mostly new name, heavily on compelling biography or powerful oratory.

Like,

all of that stuff was said about Barack Obama.

And it wasn't just, and now people will look back at people who, you know, you think, oh, well, Barack Obama left as, you know, he was perceived as this establishment Democrat who sort of united the party and all different factions liked him.

When we were running against Hillary Clinton, it was like, this guy has no experience.

His name is pretty foreign.

What has he ever done?

He's a communist.

Reverend Wright, Bill Ayers.

Like, there were some, people thought that he was like, there's no way this guy can win.

And his tattoos.

And his tattoos, which we haven't even, which he got away with, which

still no one knows about the

homophobic, yeah, right.

All the stuff he did.

Oh, yeah.

So it's just like, but it is just to say that

I'm talking to Chris Hayes, your colleague Chris Hayes, for offline this weekend.

And we were just talking about Chris's piece in the New York Times about attention and what's required to get attention in politics today.

And his point is on the list of when you're recruiting a Democratic candidate, what's most important?

Right now and for a long time, what's most important to the DSEC, to the DCCC, to the National Democratic Party is, can you raise money?

And then, like, what is your resume?

What is your bio?

And, like, do your politics fit with the state or the district that you're in?

And are you safe?

Are you safe?

And are you safe, right?

And then way down on the list and sometimes sneered at is, can you really connect with voters?

Are you like a compelling speaker?

Do you know how to capture attention in a very competitive attention environment right now?

And like, can you inspire people?

And that is seen as like just, it's like something that warms people's hearts or I don't know, like to take another 2007 example that sends the thrill up Chris Matthews' legs.

Remember, so it bothers.

And it's like, that is not why I care about someone who's a really good speaker.

I care about that because I think it actually helps them win and be competitive in a really tough race.

And I think that's even more true now in this information environment than it's ever been.

And I just worry, again, Graham Platiner aside, that like the party has not prioritized candidates, regardless of whether they're on the left, center left, wherever, who can really connect and inspire people.

And I just think that that is a, I think that is, I worry most about that than anything else.

That's a real problem with the DSCC, I think, because in like you can, we can have the same argument about who the most electable candidate in Michigan is between Abdul Seed, Mallory McMorrow, and Haley Stevens.

Once again, I don't know the answer to that question.

I don't think anyone else does either.

The DSCC thinks they know the answer.

I think they think the answer is Haley Stevens.

And there is absolutely no question, whatever else you think about Haley Stevens, that she is not as good a communicator as Abdul and Mallory, who are excellent communicators and have theories of the case about how you get attention in in this day and age.

She is a like very capable, very typical politician in how she communicates.

And so it's clearly not the top of their list.

I was like, I just want to stipulate what my actual position here is.

I do, I just want to say this again because everyone's like, everyone's pro-Platinar, pro-Platinar.

I have, I have liked Glaren Plattner.

I've been impressed by what he's done.

I truly have no idea if he's a better candidate than Janet Mills.

I really do not.

And whoever wins that nomination, I will, obviously, will support them.

I will donate to them, all of that.

My big big issue is that people who assume that the outsider candidate is less electable than the insider candidate, I think

do not fully, have fully not appreciated the changes in American politics over the last 10 years.

I'm definitely not.

I just be clear, I don't write under the pseudonym Jonathan Martin for Molico, just in case anybody was like worried about that.

I would say there's no chance you two would be confused for each other.

Well, you never know.

It's a weird time in America.

I would never argue that the outsider is doomed by any stretch of the imagination.

And guys, I hear what, I understand that the Obama candidacy in 2008 was like, I know, I was, I've lived through it too.

And I understand that it was, you know, the, the, the, the, the trepidation and the concern about his candidacy was very real.

But I think that this is something a little bit different, right?

I mean, I don't think it's the same as that.

I think the guy does have baggage.

He's had to explain a lot early on and, you know, with constituencies that are important.

I think, as I said at the beginning, I think he's done a very admirable job of that.

I think if the establishment, I think we're falling into, to your point, Dan, about the establishment and how fucked it is and like, fuck that.

What we've learned is also it doesn't actually matter what the establishment wants, right?

Like Trump wasn't who the establishment wanted.

He was who the people wanted.

So like on a certain level, it's like, congratulations, Chuck Schumer, for convincing a 77-year-old to run for one term in the Senate.

Like that's the feat.

But like whether you're, you know, manipulation or even whether the DSCC funding matters, like, yeah, money matters, but I also feel like money will come.

Like, if you're an exciting candidate and people feel like you're going to win, I do think like we are in a day and age where if you are in the culture, if your message is resonating, if you are making an imprint on the election landscape, like you're going to get the money.

And I do think you don't necessarily have to have the framework of the establishment behind you to become the nominee.

So like, I guess it's in that way, I'm not as outraged by like Schumer's attempt to meddle in all of this because ultimately I'm not sure that it's actually that much of a thumb on the scale.

And I could be wrong.

No, no,

I don't think you're wrong.

I think a candidate like Grant Plattner, who, I mean, he raised more money than

in a similar period of time than Janet Millis did with the help of Chuck Schumer.

It's a little bit different in Michigan where you have Haley Stevens showing up at DSCC finance retreats, which Janice Mills will be able to either.

But I suspect that

if Grant Plattner survives this period and continues to thrive in this race, he will raise enough grassroots money in a state as small as Maine to compete.

There's no question about that.

What bothers me even more than just the, it's not just the intervention, it's what it says about their understanding of politics and the lack of humility about what we know about electability in a post-Trump era that bothers me because it says something disturbing about how the people at the top actually have interpreted the 2024 results and how they see politics because they're just running the same play they've run every year every time as long as i've been around politics and things have changed a lot recently the government's still shut down though that's changed you know what and kudos to them they've done they have done a very good job throughout this shutdown by the way i'm not here to defend chuck schumer just also just not so yeah we have alex takes the the schumer position, and Dan loves the tattoo.

That is what I'm coming away with.

And

you're dealing with late Obama-era trauma.

Guys, there's a big couch for all of you.

There's a big

couch for all of you.

Good stuff.

Well, fortunately, we have till June to keep talking of the best part.

Dan's just going to stay here and talk about this race till then.

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Let's talk about some critical races that are actually happening soon.

It's in a week from Tuesday.

I saw that in this, I was like, a week from Tuesday?

Are we that close?

Oh, let's start with the 2025 face-off.

Everyone's talking about the Georgia Public Service Commission.

I'm only partly kidding.

If you live in Georgia and you don't want to pay higher electricity bills, make sure to get out and vote.

This is an important race.

It has a lot of ramifications in Georgia.

Same for you all in Pennsylvania in the Supreme Court races there.

Republican mega donor Jeff Yass is trying to buy the state's high court.

Do not let him go out and vote.

Same with all you Californians in Prop 50.

Vote yes on Prop 50.

I voted today.

I had a couple people texting me and they're like, is it yes?

Is it no?

What's the good one?

And I was like, yeah, proposition.

It's tough.

The language is annoying.

I get that.

It's yes on 50.

I got to get my ballot.

I don't know where it is.

It's supposed to be at my house somewhere.

Anyway, that's my

best.

I filled mine out today.

I know.

Well, I guess that's what I'm saying.

Where could Jon Favreau's ballot be?

They send a.

It's in Heather Honey's pocket right now.

Exactly.

The California

Secretary of State sends a very helpful text to your phone.

It's on the way.

It says you can track your ballot.

So I got all that.

I just can't find it.

All right.

If you don't live in those states, but you have friends and family that do, just give them a reminder.

Someone in Georgia, Pennsylvania, here in California, send them to votesaveamerica.com, whatever you need to do.

Meanwhile, in New York City, polling shows that Zoron Mamdani is in good shape against Andrew Cuomo, but who knows?

Cuomo did land the coveted Eric Adams endorsement on Thursday

after a contentious final debate between Cuomo, Mamdani, and Curtis Sliwa on Wednesday night.

Both Momdani and Cuomo were out there hammering away the next morning on the platforms where they connect best.

Momdani on the hugely popular Flagrant podcast and Andrew Cuomo on an obscure local radio show.

Let's listen to the two approaches.

I also think this idea that like New Yorkers are going to flee because of a 2% increase, it's like, I've been everywhere else.

You're not going anywhere.

Bill Ackman's not going nowhere.

He's going to be in the Hamptons office.

There's only one place to write those tweets.

That's it.

New York City.

Every character you want.

AC goes out in July to Miami.

He's sweating writing tweets.

There's no way.

He's spending more money against me than I would even tax him.

Every day it's like a million million dollars.

It's like a million dollars.

I mean, I don't even want that fucking going above.

You're going above and beyond.

Any given morning, there's a crisis.

And people's lives are at stake.

God forbid another 9-11.

Can you imagine Mondame in the seat?

I could.

He'd be chilling.

It's another problem.

Well, that's lovely.

Let's start with our New York City correspondent, Alex Wagner.

I hate New York City.

Sorry.

I just like

barf to all that.

I didn't answer.

Come on, tell me.

I'm ready.

You got a bunch of NIMBYs trying to prevent affordable housing from being built.

Cool.

I'm there.

Okay.

Mom Dani's

generational talent.

Amazing.

No matter what happens, this guy's like,

first of all,

to the discussion we were having earlier, like it's just fucking great.

It's a shot in the arm for Democrats and progressives to see someone who can so beautifully master the culture and is like a great talker and who's, you know,

not just a great talker, but has substantive new, bold ideas, right?

Yay, yay, yay.

Check mark, check mark, check mark.

But New York isn't all like bros.

It's not all, I mean, I do worry

that anecdotally, there are some quiet Cuomo voters who are like in the in the mid.

I'm just saying this because I think, especially after the 2024 election.

What happened there?

Yeah,

I'll tell you later.

I'm not saying that Cuomo is a shoe-win, but I would not be surprised if the race is tighter than it appears to be right now.

There is, you know, New York City is a diverse city and it is a city that is incredibly tough.

And there is still, like, there are people I know that admire Mamdani and think he's amazing, but are genuinely worried about his ability to manage the bureaucracy and fight with Albany.

And Cuomo

was really good at denying New York City funding when he was the governor.

But in the inverse, like Trump didn't, never paid his taxes, but certainly like he knew how to game the system that way.

So why not install him as the head of the federal government in the same way like Cuomo will be able to, you know, again, I'm not supporting a Cuomo candidacy.

I'm just suggesting that I think that there are people in this city and they may not be from, you know, the sort of

very

online audience that Mom Danny is speaking so convincingly to or even the college educated audience.

But I do think that there is a subset of New Yorkers who aren't maybe getting pulled or maybe not being as vocal that are going to, that could find comfort in Cuomo.

And so I guess the only thing I would say in this moment is just like cautious optimism that Mom Dani is going to be the next mayor, because I think it might be a little bit bit tighter than people suspect.

That's all I'm going to say.

I could be proven wrong, and it could be a landslide, and then everyone will laugh at me, but they're going to do that no matter what.

But if not, boy, do we have a clip?

Totally.

I mean, he is like running through the tape here.

I'm Dani.

He is not, and he is, he is doing as many interviews as he can.

He's, he's, he was, he went pretty hard at Cuomo during the debate.

He is not acting like someone who is 10 points up.

And I think that is a good way to run a race.

Yep.

Even if you are 10 points up or 15 points up, to run like you're 10 points behind.

I think that's always great.

And he's doing a lot of,

I feel like in these last couple of weeks, sort of easing the concerns of the people that you might be talking about, right?

Which is like, I'm going to keep the police commissioner and I'm going to like he's.

Well, I think that that's a different, I almost think that that's like the wealthier New Yorkers who have been reluctant to give him money.

You know, he's been tacking more towards the center, at least rhetorically, in terms of not raising alarms around his socialist agenda and also issues like Gaza and Israel.

Like there's, he's definitely trying to play to a larger audience.

But I think there's a more, I mean, in the same way that we saw in New York, Trump gained in certain areas of the city, right?

Blue-collar parts of the city.

And

I don't know that anything Mom Dani is doing right now is

something that's even coming across their radar.

I think it's going to be maybe as simple as, we remember Cuomo, Cuomo can manage the city.

We're going, you know, I mean, I think it's just kind of a basic calculation based on name and recognition that is, you know, but I agree.

Momdani's not acting like he's 10 points ahead.

It's going to be interesting to see how Mondani does in those precincts that shifted to Trump.

Like, do they just vote for Republican?

Is it like, was it really affordability and inflation and cost of living that drove them to support Trump?

And if that's the case, now maybe it's going to be apples to oranges comparison because the turnout is going to be so different.

But it's like, that'll be something I'll look at on election night.

Next Next door in New Jersey, Congresswoman Mikey Sherrill appears to be up about five points against former state rep Jack Chitterelli.

Reminder that in the last cycle, Phil Murphy won by only three points, but the polls had him winning by more.

And of course, in 2024, the state swung 10 points to the right.

In fact, Kamala Harris won New Jersey with a smaller vote share than Donald Trump got in Arizona.

Dan, has this race been more competitive than you expected?

No, I think it's about as competitive as I expected.

I mean, there's obviously been a shift in New Jersey that is as

indicated by the 2021 results, and it's not just a 2024 Biden border inflation bump.

I think it

says something real has happened there.

And

this is what makes this race so much different than Virginia is

we live in this state of perpetual change elections and Mikey Sheryl is replacing a two-term Democratic governor.

And it's always hard to be three terms of the same party.

And, you know, she like there's been a lot of concern about her candidacy among Democratic circles.

There's been like 15 stories in Axios about panic about this race.

And part of it is that she has made a couple of mistakes in interviews.

One about her, she struggled to like name what her top priority would be.

Another one where she was on the breakfast club and she failed to respond accurately to a.

very unfair and very inaccurate attack about money millions of dollars made stock trading um that had been like weaponized in ads that are very especially the one from the breakfast club that's very reminiscent of the infamous Trance ad from 2024.

So it made people nervous.

But this was always going to be a close race.

It seems like it's a close race, and we have to hope these polls are accurate, I guess.

Yeah.

In Virginia, Abigail Spanberger is up about seven points, maybe more outside the margin of error.

But again, who knows?

Virginia also has lieutenant governor and attorney general races that are very tight.

The Democratic Attorney General candidate, Jay Jones, is tied with his opponent after a scandal over disturbing texts with a Republican colleague from a few years ago, where he endorsed political violence.

He's since apologized.

National Republicans have been all over this, trying to get Spanberger to fully denounce him.

Alex, the delta between the governor and lieutenant governor races and the AG race certainly suggests that these Joan texts could really matter.

What do you think?

I just, I guess I can't get over it.

It's just like, yes, the texts were bad.

But like, this is a week when like Trump's nominee for the office of special counsel, Paul Ngracia, admitted last year that he had Nazi tendencies.

It's just like, to me,

the false

political violence is not something anybody should endorse, except that the president of the United States pardoned all the January 6th rioters who were guilty of political violence.

It's just very hard for me to even

accept that

the scandal is as big as it is in Virginia and that the National Republican Party is trying to make a big deal of this.

It's so reprehensible on so many levels, given where their party actually is.

But yeah, I mean, listen,

I think Abigail Spanberger,

I've covered Abigail Spanberger since she was first running for the house.

She's an incredibly competent candidate.

She absolutely gets it.

But what was the question?

No, just about the text, which I like,

I tuned in when it first broke, and I do think that there are some, first of all, it's like you're texting a Republican colleague and you are pretty, you're endorsing political violence.

And then you're like,

yeah, maybe, maybe, and they're like, you're talking about the person's children?

And it's like, yeah, well, maybe sometimes bad things have to happen to someone to change their mind.

I mean, I was like, that is some psycho shit.

It's bad.

No, no, it's definitely bad.

I'm not saying that.

It's very bad.

To your earlier point about Platiner, though, like, you know, he apologized.

I think the apology wasn't quite as, it could have been better, maybe, but he apologized, which is to your other point.

Jones.

Jones.

Okay.

Yeah.

Because first he was like, this is a, he like tried to blame the Republican, and then they had the More Techs, and then

the apology was more fulsome.

It was one of those things.

But to your earlier point,

no one's apologizing on the Republican side.

Exactly.

And it's

Nazis in the group chat, and it's cool.

It's just,

that's the world we live in.

The Times had an interesting story about how a big part of the message for both Spanberger and Cheryl is tying their opponents to Trump and how there's some unease in the strategist class about missing an opportunity to present a more positive vision.

Dan, what do you think?

Is this something you worry about or is this just

a story?

I have a meta concern that the party is continuing to run the same playbook since 2017, which is anti-Trump, anti-Trump, anti-Trump.

And presuming the Constitution still stands, and I'd like to believe that it does, we are done running against Trump.

So in the, like, we need a message about Republicans.

Because if you look at, and this says something both, both about Republicans and Democrats, but if you look at Trump's approval rating on all the key issues, inflation, immigration, crime, healthcare, et cetera, it's all underwater.

But then when you ask them who they trust more, generic Republicans or generic Democrats, on almost all but our core issues like healthcare and climate change, they trust Republicans more than Democrats.

And that's in part because Trump has operated separate from the party in a lot of our minds.

And that's been to his great political advantage because it's made it hard to tag him with a lot of the

very fair attacks we've done Republicans over the years about like Connecting Social Security and Medicare and abortion and things like that.

But now it's helping the Republicans because it's insulating them from some of his worst transgressions.

Now, having said all of that, I think in a off-year election where you're trying to generate turnout among a depressed Democratic base, I think this is a totally fine and probably good and effective strategy.

I mean, like they didn't just pick this off a, you know, off the board.

They've tested it and that's clearly the most effective.

So I understand why they're doing it here, but I think we have a broader.

conversation as a party that we should have on this podcast on a different day without a thousand pieces of news, which maybe will maybe happen one day,

about the right approach, how to balance anti-Trump versus anti-Republican and positive Democratic messaging.

Alex, what do you think?

I think we have to silo Dan's thoughts about Maine if we want to be able to get to the substantive.

Okay, June 3rd, 2026, we will do this.

Is that the day after?

I think that's the day after the primary.

Oh, the primary's on my birthday?

Maybe I have, oh man,

talk about your Obama trauma coming to roost.

Oh, my God.

It's the psychology is just at the surface, guys.

I don't know.

It's hard for me to get.

I don't, I mean, I hated that story, actually.

I was just like, a fuck barf.

I don't want to like, I don't,

like, I don't care.

Like, just, yeah, I guess if that's what's going to work, it's just, he's doing so many bad things.

And you can argue that every Democrat in the country is actually a bulwark against, I mean, every elected Democrat is a bulwark against Trump.

And what he's doing is affecting people at the local and state level.

So why not make it national?

I don't, I truly don't know.

I don't have, like, I, I just, I completely agree with Dan that the party has to figure out what it stands for and what issues it's going to own.

I think part of the problem, and I've said this before, I'll say it again, is the Democratic Party is the pro-democracy party.

It is a big fucking tent.

And right now, it's largely a leaderless tent.

There's just no person, there's no figurehead that can actually coalesce everybody into having that family conversation.

And so I think it's going to be a while.

It might have to wait till after your birthday, John.

Unbelievable.

I think if you are

running for governor, obviously it's good to run on a positive vision because presumably you can do things as governor.

I think that most people, when they vote in the midterms, are going to be like what you just said, which is Trump's doing a whole bunch of bad things.

Democrats can't really promise to do a whole bunch, right?

They'll have subpoena power, right?

They can stop any other Trump legislation.

They can't do much more beyond that.

So

you might as well not overpromise anyway.

And I think most people who are going to vote in the midterms are thinking, okay, this is a check on Trump and the Republicans, or it's not, or we like what they're doing.

Right.

So I think that that's a different situation.

I think once you start looking towards 2028, yes, of course, we need to have a conversation about what we're for and inspire people to actually come vote for something and not just against something.

It's a very, it's a conundrum because you can't be a check, be seen as a viable check on power if you are not seen as standing for something and being strong.

So you're probably going to have to articulate

the difference between a tiny, slim, barely eke-out Democratic majority and a blue wave is a significant improvement in the brand.

People have to believe, even people who don't love Democrats have to believe that we are a credible, strong, realistic check on Trump's power.

And they don't believe that right now.

Can I just say, I know we're, like, they did shut down the government, which remains strong.

I'm not even saying it's a fair criticism.

No, no, I'm just putting it out there that they are standing firm on the issue of health care.

And it is like an important issue.

It is resonant with the American public.

And that is maybe the beginning of the party to find

an issue that really matters.

Finally, we have to take a minute to discuss the most bizarre moment so far in the 2025 elections, which is saying a lot.

Tuesday night's debate between Virginia Lieutenant Governor candidate John Reed and Democrat Ghazala Hashmi on Tuesday night.

It was a standard political debate with one major twist.

Here's a clip from an ad that Reid released right after.

John Reed showed up for a debate.

Ghazala Hashmi didn't.

So John debated her AI clone instead, because even a robot version of Gazala has more candor and courage than the real one.

Yes, yes.

The entire debate was between John Reed and an AI version of Ghazala Hashmi.

It included fact checks, it included sources,

he even asked himself, he had the AI moderator ask himself some tough questions.

What?

stopped this train i want to get off like i just feel like we'll look back in like 2032 and be like remember when that was novel yeah or maybe we'll look back at it like we look back on uh the hologram of jessica yellen in the situation room

i do miss those holograms

or john edwards uh campaigning in second life

i don't even know i don't even remember that i don't remember you don't remember okay the the the real ones remember tommy will probably know Tommy will know.

This is post-Tommy, but I'm sure he'll remember us.

I mean, it does raise the question, should we just have AI as governing the country?

We're headed wrap up.

Yeah, yeah.

Yeah, the ballroom is going to transition into an AI data center, and all the CEOs are going to be there that tried to pay for it, and

then they're just going to sort of, whatever they do, program the AI to just run the country and kill us all.

I don't know.

I'm like Trump talking about AI.

What are they talking about

right now?

That's a big thing.

Everyone's talking about the AI.

You don't understand Bitcoin.

Anyway, we're fucked.

But get out there and tell your friends to vote.

Votesamerica.com because

the comeback.

Let's fuck till it's over.

The comeback starts.

We're fucked.

A week from Tuesday.

That's when the comeback starts.

They're going to go get out there and...

get some votes out.

And go subscribe to Runaway Country.

When we come back, you'll hear Tommy's conversation with Denise Ferrazzi from the Pipeline Fund.

Before we get to that, Crooked Con, two weeks from today.

As you may have heard, there are a ton of new speakers added to the November 7th lineup: Lena Kahn, Adam Mockler, Tim Miller, Permilla Jayapal, Jen Saki, Simone Sanders Townsend.

We just posted the full Crooked Con schedule.

If you're joining us in DC on November 7th, head to crookedcon.com to start planning your day at CrookedCon.

And if you haven't made up your mind about coming, now is your chance.

The three of us are all hosting panels.

Mine's on democratic messaging.

Dan's is about Graham Plattner.

Dan's is about what the polling is about polling.

Get all the polling stuff.

Alex's is about what Democrats would do with the majority if we win it back next year.

It's featuring three AI versions of Janet Mills.

What about Janet Miller?

And Chat Schumer.

I was going to say, no, it's actually going to be Alyssa Slock and Brian Schatz, and Pramila Jayapal.

Great panel.

None of those names are Mills or Schumer.

Or Plattner.

That's a great panel.

There are limited tickets left.

Make sure to take a look at the full schedule at crookedcon.com and be sure to grab tickets if you haven't.

Really putting the FOMO and promo here.

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My guest today is the head of the Pipeline Fund, an organization that recruits, trains, and supports the next generation of leaders in the Democratic Party.

Denise Ferriozzi, welcome to Pod Save America.

Thanks for having me.

It's so great to be here.

It's great to finally meet you.

I've heard a lot about you and the great work you guys are doing.

So for listeners who have not heard of the Pipeline Fund before, can you just explain what you guys do and how it came to be?

Yeah, sure, absolutely.

So,

you know, the Pipeline Fund, I think probably those of us who have worked worked in politics for any number of years have long lamented the lack of a bench in the Democratic Party.

I know since I've been doing this work, it's something I've heard over and over.

So really, this was an idea kind of after the 2016 elections when we saw a huge number of folks, I think for the first time in a long time, looking at running for office as like a real outlet for change and like wanting to figure out how to do that.

And there were all these new groups popping up, you know, like Run for Something and other organizations.

And so we started asking the question, like, how can we use this moment to finally work on building a real bench?

Like, how can we make sure that this kind of 2018 cycle is not a flash in the pan, but something that we can continue?

And so that's how the pipeline fund came to be.

We basically looked around and said, gosh, we have now we have this enthusiasm for running.

We have all these great organizations, right?

Young people are being recruited and supported by Run for Something and women by Emily's list and eMERGE.

And, you know, there's a long list of groups that do this kind of work.

And it's not just national groups, it's groups in the states as well.

And so we thought, well, what really is missing is how do we actually connect all of that work strategically to make sure that we're getting as many great leaders running in as many districts as possible this cycle and beyond.

And so that's what we do.

We kind of serve as a space to make sure that, you know, the national groups are working with groups on the ground in key states to make sure we're recruiting great leaders from their communities into the most important places in this moment.

And just essentially make sure all that work is scaled strategically so that we have a bench for now and in the future.

And you guys are focused on creating individual state-based organizations, right?

Why is that?

Yeah, that's a great question.

You know, we are, we really believe that in order to get someone to run for office, right, which let's be honest, it's not 2017, 2018.

It's a different environment, right?

And it can be really challenging in a, what was a normal environment to run for office, but you just add the elements that we're seeing today with, you know, political violence, safety, not to mention like time.

People have to have jobs and then they run for office, which can be a full-time job in itself.

So we really think that folks on the ground need to be there to work with people, to identify them, to convince them that they can and should run for office, to help them plan for that, and then to be there, right, when they do run to help them, you know, find staff and navigate the complexities of a campaign.

And then also, when you become a first-time elected official, kind of support them in that new role because it's really different from campaigning.

I don't need to tell you that.

So we really think that the way to make sure that we have a bench for the future is to have folks on the ground who are doing this work year in and year out.

Like we are recruiting now for 26 and frankly for 28 too.

And then to be a center of gravity so that they can, once they've got a great person on the line, call those national groups and say, hey, Emily's list, we really need your help.

We've got a great woman, but she needs a finance director or she needs to be trained.

And so that's kind of the way that we're going to do this, make it sustainable, make sure that we're being really smart because recruiting someone in Texas is different than recruiting someone in Wisconsin where I live.

And the folks on the ground know those distinctions, right?

Yeah.

Well, I know, and that was actually exactly what I want to ask you.

Like in a state like California where I am or in Wisconsin where you are, there are tons of Democrats who are elected officials in the state that you can lean on.

There's local parties.

There's basic infrastructure.

Wisconsin's got a famously excellent Democratic Party, but there are red states out there that are just kind of barren for the Democratic Party.

Like there's no infrastructure, there's no muscle memory, there's no institutional knowledge or, you know, people who can help you like identify the person in the community in Nebraska that is a big progressive that would like to run, but maybe hasn't gotten that push.

How do you build a pipeline in a deep red state to both source those candidates and then also kind of steer them?

to run in their right races and then support them as they go.

Yeah, it's a great question.

And honestly, one that we're like navigating right now because we are on the ground in 14 states, but we are actually working with, you know, stakeholders and folks on the ground in another 21 states to build kind of pipeline organizations that do this year-round work.

And you can imagine you don't get to that number of states without working in really kind of deep red states.

You mentioned Nebraska, where we are working with folks to start a new organization.

And it's really interesting in these states where there's just not a lot of infrastructure and there hasn't been investment,

folks on the ground know like the way to start that is actually by starting with developing leaders, right?

We need people to run campaigns.

We need people to consider running for office.

And we need to help build like the leadership of operatives across the state.

And so, you know, that's honestly where I think a lot of folks are starting right now as we recognize we can't just play in a set of, you know, eight to 10 swing states.

We've got to think bigger.

And we are working with people in those red states to say, okay,

where do we want to start?

What are the unique dynamics of your state?

You may not be in spitting distance of flipping a state legislature, but we can work on really key county seats and school boards, which are everywhere, and kind of show what it looks like to have good leaders who are not these kind of right-wing extremists governing as a way to build.

So that's what we're doing right now.

And it's actually really exciting.

Yeah.

I mean, well, can you tell us a success story?

Like, is there an individual or a state where things are going really well that kind of tells that broader story?

Oh my gosh, there's so many.

I have to say, it's hard to pick, right?

It's like your kids.

You can't say which one is your favorite, but let me try.

I'll give you one,

a new state that we're working in that I think is probably top of mind for everyone at this time in the cycle.

You know, Virginia is a place, right?

Every

off year, we're all talking about Virginia because of their state ledge and governor's race.

You know, they also have, you know, a strong party and great folks on the ground, but we did start a new group there because they recognized that there needed to be more state and local infrastructure.

And so we helped launch a group called Build the Bench in January of this year.

And they worked with partners across the ecosystem to recruit candidates to run in all 100 House of Delegates seats.

And these are amazing candidates.

Like

there are majority women, there are lots of women in color, but there's also like farmers, small business owners, teachers.

And so we're really excited about what that looks like when you are kind of running, you know, in different places across the common, you know, across the Commonwealth.

So that's one, but Virginia, everybody knows.

The other one that I always like to highlight because people don't think of it as a success story typically on our side of the aisle, and that's Florida.

We work with an awesome organization called the Florida Pipeline Project.

And back in 2022, they launched this school board protection project to fight back against moms for liberty and also Governor DeSantis, who has been super engaged in these local school board races.

And it took a while.

They got folks to run, but in 2024,

we had 80% of their candidates win their races

at the school board level.

That's remarkable.

It's wild and no one knows about it, right?

So I think that's the thing.

It's about finding these places where you can have local success and where those implications are real for people on the ground.

And it's just a great example of where, boy,

you peel off a fraction of the money that gets dumped into TV ads in the last two weeks of an election to do this long-term organizing and you had this massive impact.

Yeah.

I mean, like, if for no other reason, I like to tell folks, it's a cheap date, right?

I mean, you can put a little bit of money and have a huge impact.

I mean, the investment that we helped make with partners on the ground in Florida to win all those races was a million dollars.

Like

that's, you know, and I know nothing in a Florida.

For regular people, that's a lot of money.

For politics, where we spend billions of dollars on federal races, it's nothing.

Yeah, the Georgia Center race is going to be a half a billion dollar race.

Like a million dollars in Florida gets you nothing.

Right.

Right.

Statewide.

And even in a congressional.

So, you know, I mean, I think that's the like, that's the big message here is like, we as a party, we have to stop only focusing on these big federal races.

Now, I am never going to try to convince someone to not focus on winning back the house in 2026.

We have to do that.

And we also, if we moved a small fraction of the money that is spent on those races down to the state and local level, we could literally win tens of thousands of races in 2026.

And that's not only now, but that's for like the future of who's running for Congress in a couple of years.

And, you know, our friends over at Vodesave America have been running this pilot program where we've been telling our audience that lives in Arizona, North Carolina, and Texas in particular to go to votesaveamerica.com slash run if you want to sign up to run for office in those states.

And we have, I think, 2,500 people have already signed up and taken that initial step.

Now, some of those people will wash out and they'll learn more and they'll decide this is not for me, but that's still a lot of people.

700 of them are from Texas.

We've got people in towns as small as 4,000 people deciding to run.

The average age is 38, which is pretty exciting when you think about kind of the gerontocracy challenges the Democratic Party has been facing recently.

And the most remarkable thing I learned from our team over at Vote Save America was that 70% of the people that have signed up to run for office have never done anything with with Vote Save America before.

I sort of thought you would see this ladder of engagement that's like, I'm text banking, I'm phone banking, I'm knocking on doors, now I'm running.

70% were just like, you know what?

I'm taking the plunge.

Now's the moment for me, which speaks to the power of asking and then having some infrastructure to support those people.

Because it's one thing to say, run for office, you can do it.

But if you just kind of jump in with no one there to help you, it's just unlikely to go as well.

Yeah.

No, I mean, we are so excited about this.

And I also think we're really excited excited to partner with Vote Save America on this like state-based approach, right?

I think there are a lot of efforts that have been launched that are just kind of more broad national efforts.

And those are great.

And I am a wholehearted supporter of that, but it's really hard to do this state work.

And I give you all a lot of credit for trying it with us.

And it's working.

It's really exciting.

You know, those people that you mentioned in Texas, our partners on the ground at Annie's List are literally like they have organizers like just calling through and talking to these people one-on-one about what they care about, how that matches up with a potential office that's available or a good opportunity in their area.

And then like really kind of talking through what that looks like and what it means, sending them to trainings, connecting with our national partners at NDTC and Run for Something for additional resources.

It's really exciting, you know, and I think in this moment,

it's also really exciting to see people stepping up in this this way.

Yeah.

I mean, like in 2017, when you were talking about kind of founding the Pipeline Fund, I mean, there was all this energy.

There was all these organizations sprouting up.

There were.

random podcasts sprouting up.

You know, like there felt like a moment when we all felt like engaged and inspired.

And that's been missing a bit, at least in terms of the protests or the visible efforts.

So it's great to know that all this work is happening behind the scenes.

Again, votesaveamerica.com slash run if you want to get involved in the filing deadlines for North Carolina and Texas are in December.

So sooner rather than later.

Is there a Republican version of

you guys that's out organizing us?

Like, what's the competition like on the other side?

What's the process, as far as you know?

Yeah, no, we did a lot of research actually on this when we first started to say, like, what are we up against?

And it's really different.

The truth is they have a lot fewer, much larger and better funded organizations.

So you think about, you know, the like Koch Network, but really there's this group called the Leadership Institute.

Of course, there's, you know, Turning Point.

There's all of these organizations, but there are, I mean, I would say compared to our dozens of organizations, there's like four or five leading ones, and they're all like funded to the tune of like, you know, 25 to 50 million a year.

Whereas our side is, you know, we're lucky on our side for these national groups to have $10 million a year.

And so I think the other really big difference is they've just been doing this for a really long time.

Like they haven't just discovered this work.

They've been been really committed to state and local work for a long time.

And they don't, they, they, they continue to do it every cycle, regardless of who's in the White House, who's in control of the Senate.

And so I think, you know, we are up against,

you know, a side that is playing the long game.

And we know that.

We've seen that.

That's not just about pipeline and leadership development and state and local offices.

It's what they do.

I mean, so I think it's incumbent on us to really think about how we can play the long game and not, you know, give up on and really like start to focus a little bit more of our resources and time on these state and local offices.

Yeah.

Final question for you.

I mean, how can people listening get in touch with you guys if they're thinking about running, if this sounds exciting to them, or if they just want to support the organization in some other way?

Like, can they donate?

What's the process?

Yeah, absolutely.

Look, we are we are at pipeline.fund.

You can go there.

You can donate if you are willing.

And again, a little goes a long way when it comes to these state and local offices.

I mean, school board races can be won by like, you know, five votes and for $20,000.

So definitely donating.

And if you're interested in running, go to our website, look at our state map.

We can connect you to national and state partners who can help you every step of the way.

And we need more folks because guess what?

There are, I think it's almost 100,000 offices on the ballot in 2026 alone.

Jesus, that's a lot of races.

That's a lot.

Yeah.

And we will not win any of them if we don't run candidates.

So that is the key.

Denise, thank you so much for the work you're doing.

Thanks for joining the show.

It was great talking to you.

Thank you.

Thanks for having me.

That's our show for today.

Thanks to Denise Ferriozzi for coming on, and thanks to Alex for being with us.

Everyone, make sure you subscribe to Runaway Country, wherever you get your podcast.

Tommy Lovett and I will be back with a new show on Tuesday.

Bye, everyone.

Bye, guys.

That was great.

We did did it.

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