Exclusive: White House Moving On from Musk-Trump Feud, Calls Elon 'Important Ally' | Guests: Russ Vought & Sec. Doug Collins | 6/6/25

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Well,

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Now, I'm going to say something kind of controversial here about this feud between Trump and Elon Musk,

but I'm just going to throw it out here because

I believe it's true.

This is the fault of one man, Stu Bregier.

Stu has predicted this fallout, seemingly, seemingly, you know, unknowing of what was going to happen, not involved at all, but nails it almost to the day.

He said these two would have a fallout.

Stu, you want to admit this now to the American people?

I don't think I caused anything.

It was just.

Not really.

It was a wild guess, Glenn.

Wild guess.

Literally, almost to the day, Stu.

Yeah.

Almost to the day.

I was tracing it back.

We were in a group text and we did a.

I mean, it was right after the election.

I think it was like November 13th.

And we were just

saying, like, hey, we're really excited about this Musk-Trump partnership.

I think a lot could come out of it, but I'm a little nervous, you know, because of a couple of big egos and everything.

And so

we decided to do a bet, and we all decided to predict the day of the demise of the relationship.

Not excited about it, but

wondering.

And my pick was May 29th.

So within just a few days

of the actual flare-up, if you will.

So you're saying

you may have let it go a few extra days just so we couldn't.

We weren't positive you were the one.

Well, I mean, technically,

it is basically when he left the White House, the actual

fundamentally at the core of this, Glenn, there's so much good that could come out of this relationship, but man, you know, they're a tough, tough, couple of big personalities, and it's, it's just a tough thing to keep balanced.

Yeah.

Yeah, no, I mean, here's the deal.

They're both kings of their own castles, you know, they're both disruptors.

They're both used to getting their way.

They're both very, very smart.

They, you know,

they're both disruptors of everything.

And, you know, they're not

really predictably friends at any given point.

But, I mean, you know,

we have had these moments

before in our history where great men come together that

shouldn't really come together.

For instance, John Adams and Jefferson, I'll tell you that story later.

They loved each other.

Then they

hated each other.

Then they loved each other again at the end.

And I mean, if you think yesterday was like, oh, yeah, well, let me tell you who's molesting children.

You think that was bad.

You should have heard Jefferson and Adams.

They went at each other with,

I mean, with giant knives.

What happened yesterday between Musk and Trump was child's play in comparison.

This was a bad day for us and America.

It really was.

The shareholders were panicking because Donald Trump later came in and said, you know what?

A way to cut the budget is we'll just cut all of the federal contracts.

Now,

I'm sure he didn't mean that.

Maybe he did in the moment, but he's not going to do that.

We're a meritocracy.

Elon Musk is the best guy to have federal contracts when it comes to anything space-related, okay?

SpaceX has billions in Pentagon and NASA funding.

Now in the crosshairs,

come on.

No, no.

Now, foreign leaders were watching all of this with popcorn.

China sees division.

The EU sees opportunity.

And everyday Americans, we're watching billionaires brawl where, you know,

our rent is still climbing.

The irony here is for all of the hatred, Trump and Musk are mirror images.

They're both outsiders.

They're both rule breakers.

Each thinks he alone can fix it.

Each courts chaos like a gambler itching just for that last bet, you know?

And in a strange way,

maybe each is the only person who could truly destroy the other.

But it's not just a feud.

This is a fracture in the allegiance of disruption.

And the aftershocks are going to ripple through politics and tech and the economy for months if it doesn't end.

Hopefully, it is over.

They're supposed to have a phone call today.

Everybody got clearer heads.

But I'll tell you this, when kings turn on each other, it's the court that burns first, then the kingdom.

It's not good.

And we need both of these guys.

So let me just pass a message on

to everybody, all of us who are in the storm right now, and to the men inside the storm.

There is a reason why the entire world watches what you two guys say because you are without question

the most disruptive, consequential individuals of our time.

both of you.

And not because you're always right, but because

history from time to time needs a battering ram.

And that battering ram showed up with a red tie.

And when the world needs a new frontier, the other one showed up in a t-shirt.

And then you guys came together.

Trump is a bulldozer.

I call him a human hand grenade.

To his face, he's a human hand grenade.

He just throws himself into a room, goes off, and then you're like, wait a minute.

As the dust clears, you're like, what's behind that wall?

I mean, it's amazing to watch him.

He is a bulldozer who has,

who just bulldozed and blew up the cartel of polite corruption.

And he did what no other politician could do.

He exposed the system.

He unmasked the media.

And he gave voice to everybody who feels like nobody's listening to me.

His strength is his will.

The guy does not blink.

He doesn't sleep.

He doesn't stop.

He doesn't yield.

When the world demanded a warrior, this guy shows up already armored, ready to go.

Musk is an unbelievable visionary who, you know, has escaped the current

gravitational pull of, nah, it's good enough.

He defied all of the inertia of big tech, big auto, big government.

His strength, like the strength of the other, it's also vision.

And he'll see around corners.

Most of us don't even know that they exist.

So does Donald Trump.

Donald Trump has this gut on him that is unbelievable.

Musk has this vision of what things can be like in the future.

And Musk just won't sit down.

He won't give up.

And

he builds all those things that everybody else is like, we should write a Star Trek episode about that technology.

And then he goes out and builds it.

And while others are betting on quarterly earnings, he bets the future,

he bets on the future of mankind.

Now, they don't think the same.

They don't even speak the same language half the time, but that's that's why they matter and are so good together.

And that's why they can't cancel each other out.

Stop it.

Trump is the best street fighter I've ever seen.

And both of them understand the short and the long game, but Trump understands Washington and Elon doesn't.

I can't tell you that Trump fully understood Washington in the first term, but he does now.

And I am against this big, beautiful bill, all of the spending.

However, as I told you three weeks ago, we are in this horrible trap right now.

You can't cut the amount of spending when state, federal, and local governments are responsible for 45%

of our GDP.

If you kick the legs out from underneath that, everything plunges.

You have to do it slowly.

But beyond that, what Elon Musk doesn't understand is, and and Trump didn't get this the first time, but he does this time.

There's political realities

and you have to understand politics in Washington.

Why isn't Elon Musk, and I hate to point either of these guys out because I love both of them.

I want both of them involved.

But why instead of coming after Donald Trump yesterday, why wasn't Elon Musk coming after the Democrats?

I mean, there's not one of them that are standing up for fiscal responsibility.

Not one.

If you could peel away 10 Democrats, you know, three in the Senate and 10 in the House that were standing with the die-hard Republicans and saying, no, we want serious cuts, we'd be able to accomplish something.

Why are we cannibalizing ourselves instead of trying to get 10 reasonable people on the other side to to join us with the cots.

Why?

It doesn't make any sense.

Both know how to use social media unlike anybody else.

Both know how to rally support.

One is better as a battering ram, the other one is better as a scalpel.

But sometimes you need both of those things.

And together, they represented something the system fears the most.

Creative Creative destruction with a moral spine.

Oh, there is nothing,

trust me on this, I've seen it at small scales.

These guys are seeing it at the global scale.

Creative destruction with a moral spine is terrifying to those people with power.

And what brought them together wasn't friendship.

It was a purpose, a shared purpose.

Both of them loathe centralized power and centralized incompetence.

Both believes the individual still matters.

Both believe in freedom of speech.

Both believe in equality, not equity.

Both have a willingness to be hated for being right too early.

So now, what are we really arguing about?

Really?

Is this about pride?

Is this about I didn't get my way?

What is this?

Is this wounded trust?

I mean, I get it.

Both of these guys are used to being right.

They're both used to getting things done and not being told no.

That's what makes them so rare.

They don't orbit other people.

They make their own gravity.

Each of them do.

Which is why they're so important.

But if they forget the mission, if they forget that we're standing at the edge of something far bigger than either one of them,

we lose more than just a feud between two really important guys.

I mean, I know I've talked to the president several times about, you know, hey, this is bigger than me.

He has said that to me.

He knows we can't lose our edge.

We can't lose our chance.

We can't lose our window.

So if either of them or their allies are listening, please, you were never meant to be best friends, but you were both born for this moment.

And history's is not going to ask whether you won the fight, but whether you remembered who the real enemy was.

This is not a moment for choosing sides.

This is the moment for all of us to choose mission.

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It began politely enough.

Trump praised Space Force, calling it the moon's greatest ally.

Musk nodded and said he admired Trump's ability to monetize hats.

But then...

Things turned.

Trump accused Elon of stealing Wi-Fi from Air Force One.

Musk replied, quote, at least my planes don't have golden seatbelts and ketchup stains.

Trump countered by calling him a Martian sociopath with fake kids and robot hair.

And then Elon Musk said, you sleep with children.

And that's how it escalated yesterday.

I mean, it's crazy.

I think my tone of play is even more impressive than yours.

It's fascinating how that escalated.

So quickly.

I mean, like, you'd think these two people would be able to go back and forth.

And, you know, if Trump doesn't like a bill, or

Musk doesn't like a bill, Trump can say, you're wrong.

But, hey, we're pretty much still on the same side of that.

And, man, it got out of control fast there, Glenn.

Yeah, and this bullcrap about Epstein, if you think the Democrats would have sat on anything.

Anything in those Epstein files that had Donald Trump in it.

Come on.

Don't be a moron on any of that.

That That is just not right.

Now, good news is Bill Ackman got involved yesterday and he said, you're much stronger together than apart.

And Elon Musk last night wrote back, you're not wrong.

Glenn Beck.

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Okay.

Now

let me tell you the real timeline of what happened yesterday.

No more space alien talk.

No more

joking about what really happened between the two of them.

This has been building for a while, but yesterday it just kind of got, it just really kind of got crazy

quickly.

So when you look at

what happened, let me see if I can find this here.

Oh, damn it, did I just lose it again?

No, here it is.

So in chronological order, this is what happened because Elon had been calling to kill the big, beautiful bill.

So first thing yesterday, Trump is responding to Elon's criticism.

Here it is.

Listen.

Thank you, Mr.

President.

The criticism that I've seen, and I'm sure you've seen, regarding Elon Musk and your big, beautiful bill, what's your reaction to that?

Do you think it in any way hurts passage in the Senate, which, of course, what is your seeking?

Well, look, you know, I've always liked Elon, and it's always a very surprised.

You saw the words he had for me, the words of, and he hasn't said anything about me that's bad.

I'd rather have him criticize me than the bill, because the bill is incredible.

It's the biggest cut in the history of our country.

We've never cut.

It's about 1.6 trillion in cuts.

It's the biggest tax cut.

Tax, you would say

people's taxes will go way down, but it's the biggest tax cut in history.

We are doing things in that bill that are unbelievable.

So Russ Volt, by the way, is going to be on with us here in about 30 minutes.

So that was the first thing.

And I think that's really mild.

I mean,

he's just responding to Elon's criticism.

Look, I'd rather have him criticize me than the bill because we disagree disagree on it, blah, blah, blah.

And then Elon responds, whatever.

Keep the EV solar incentive cuts in the bill, even though no oil and gas subsidies are touched.

Very unfair.

But ditch the mountain of disgusting pork in the bill.

In the entire history of civilization, there has never been legislation that was both big and beautiful, and everyone knows this.

Either you get a big and ugly bill or a slim and beautiful bill.

Slim and beautiful is the way.

Then Elon re-upped a bunch of old Trump tweets where he denounced raising the debt limit and then he made a poll.

Is it time to create a new political party in America that actually represents 80% in the middle?

Yes or no?

By this point, now Trump, who was showing tremendous restraint, has to respond.

He writes, Elon was wearing thin.

I asked him to leave.

I took away his EV mandate mandate that forced everybody to buy electric cars that nobody else wanted.

He knew that for months that I was going to do this, and he just went crazy.

Then, he writes, the easiest way to save money in our budget, billions and billions of dollars, is to terminate Elon's governmental subsidies and contracts.

I was always surprised that Biden didn't do it.

Me too.

Well, Elon responded by threatening to decommission his

SpaceX Dragon spacecraft.

He says, in light of President's statement about cancellation of my government contract, SpaceX,

SpaceX will be decommissioning its Dragon spacecraft immediately.

Now,

this is crazy.

This is crazy.

Then,

Elon, after he lost a lot of people on this, he writes, time to drop the really big bomb.

Real Donald Trump is in the Epstein files.

That is the real reason they have not been made public.

Have a nice day, DJT.

Why would he do this?

Why would he do this?

Elon says, mark this post for the future because the truth will come out.

Now, Trump, again, who I think was pretty restrained all day compared to Elon Musk, I don't mind Elon turning against me, but he should have done so months ago.

This is one of the greatest bills ever presented to Congress.

It's a record cut in expenses, $1.6 trillion, and the biggest tax cut ever given.

If this bill doesn't pass, there will be a 68% tax increase.

Things get far worse than that.

I didn't create this mess.

I am just trying to fix it.

This puts our country on a path of greatness, make America great again.

After that, everybody starts to calm down a little bit.

Do you happen to have the Linda Yaccarino and David Sachs tweet?

Because they both kind of stand up for the big, beautiful bill and saying

it needs to pass.

Now, Yakarino is, what, she's a CEO, isn't she?

Or is she the president of

X.

CEO of X.

And David Sachs is a good friend of Elon Musk.

And they're both saying, no, no, no, we've got to pass the Big Beautiful bill.

So

then you have Bill Ackman.

stepping up.

Now, the White House said that they were trying to schedule a call with Elon sometime today to work this out, which if you look at the actual facts, Donald Trump was more restrained than I think I've ever seen him.

Would you agree with that, Stu?

Yeah, he did not, I certainly didn't go nuclear like Elon Musk did.

No.

No.

I mean, he did address it.

He did, you know, he started getting a little more critical about Elon, but it was.

It seemed to be ramping up slowly, and all of a sudden, someone dropped nine nuclear bombs

onto the battlefield.

Right.

Bill Ackman writes: I support real Donald Trump and Elon Musk, and they should make peace for the benefit of our great country.

We are much stronger together than apart.

Elon writes,

last night at 9:27, you're not wrong.

So, hopefully, this is over, but look at the damage that this has done.

This has given the left all kinds of of ammunition,

you know, nothing but talking points.

Elon Musk is never going to be re-embraced by the left.

I don't think he really cares about that, but he should

care about, you know,

we need the guy to survive.

He's one of the greatest minds

of our day, of our lifetime.

He's probably the greatest scientific mind

as far as putting things into practical use

since Tesla, the first Tesla, you know, the real Tesla.

And we have to have that guy, but we also have to have Donald Trump, and we have to have a country.

Now, I want them to cut more out of this budget, but

let's not blow this damn thing up.

Let's not blow everything up out of the water.

This is not good.

Who does this chaos serve?

Certainly not the country, not the Republic, and not anybody who is trying to navigate these crazy waters.

Glenn, can we talk for a second about the specific allegation of him being in the Epstein files?

Yes.

Hey, we've already known that, by the way.

Yeah, number one, it's, of course, technically accurate that he's in there.

They were friends.

Yes.

If you're looking at everything that

like every flight on Jeffrey Epstein's plane,

you know, Donald Trump flew on the plane.

Now, I don't think there's any evidence that he went to the island.

Certainly no evidence that he did anything illegal with Jeffrey Epstein.

They were friends before these accusations came out.

So technically speaking, Elon Musk is saying something that has been well covered in the media already and might protect him from legal consequences because of that tweet.

I mean, if they really had a falling out, I mean, Trump, you know, Trump sued CBS over their editing of the Kamala Harris interview.

Being called a pedophile, basically, on the internet, would, I'm sure, merit a lawsuit if they really had a falling out.

But technically speaking, Musk probably would survive that, likely because, of course, Trump is in there.

It's something we've known about for a long time.

There's also, by the way, we should note, probably dozens of other completely innocent people that would be in those files.

Doesn't mean that everybody that ever interacted with this guy slept with children.

So Musk was releasing these videos of him,

you know, and Epstein.

And nobody denies that he was around Epstein.

Nobody denies that.

But what nobody cares to recognize is that as soon as Donald Trump

had an inkling of who this guy was really and had one of the women at his club abused by Epstein, he cut the friendship off, kicked him out and said, we're done.

Get out.

I mean, you know, he was the one guy that I know of, the one guy with moral spine around Epstein.

Right.

And yeah.

Let's not forget that there's Elon Musk pictures with Maxwell.

So, I mean, is that even true?

That's a very small circle.

Hard to know how many, what's being photoshopped in the end.

I don't even know.

Oh, gosh, are you kidding me?

Is that really issue?

I don't know.

I just don't know.

I've seen photos of that, but I honestly don't know.

My

I always assume they're fake until I know, but who knows?

Again, everyone has pictures, you know, especially famous people have pictures.

Famous rich people hang out at the same parties, and so who knows?

That proves anything.

And honestly, like, if there was something here, and you mentioned this earlier, Glenn, quickly, that

if there was something that Donald Trump, there's evidence that he did something wrong with Jeffrey Epstein, I can assure you the Biden administration would have found a way to release that.

And it even speaks poorly of Musk in a way that if there was terrible evidence here, I mean, was he going to just go along and not just he'll be quiet about Trump's sexual sexual abuse of children if the cuts came through the spending bill the way he wanted them.

I mean, all of it is absurd.

We all know it's not real.

It's a couple of guys throwing insults at each other.

In this particular case, Trump is much more restrained than Elon Musk, I would argue, even though, you know, again, lots of positives of Elon Musk, but he's the one that really went nuclear here.

And I do hope that cooler heads can prevail because it's good for the country, Glenn.

Because I know you've

really done your homework on Elon Musk, and

he has moments where he is not,

where he's more manic.

Is it possible that this is a manic episode with Elon?

I have

no evidence, not

to be clear, I'm not accusing anybody of anything.

But to look at

if you read

the biography, the Isaacson biography about him,

there are periods periods through that time, you know, times where he's sleeping on the floor of

the factory,

you know,

that type of period, if you remember that period, Glenn, where

it does appear that he goes into what you might call, you know, a manic state and makes a lot of poor decisions, decisions that wind up really hurting the stock price, you know, tweeting out things that he winds up getting sued for.

There are a lot of periods in Elon's life where that type of stuff seems to happen.

Add on to that, you know, the New York Times, and again, take it for what it's worth, Elon Musk has a lot of enemies inside the White House.

That's something that you should know.

And so

we don't know where this came from, but lots of accusations of drug use and things of that nature as well.

When you say drug use, it's really ketamine, isn't it?

Ketamine was one of the...

I thought it was more than just that.

I can pull the article up.

But one of the interesting notes in the article is

one of the ways the New York Times claims that they

made this available to actually be reported, and it wasn't just a rumor that somebody told them, was they had photographic evidence of these pills.

Now, go ahead.

How many times has someone that you know taken pictures of your pill box or your pill bottle?

Oh my gosh, that happens all the time.

This is not something

to normal people that don't have enemies around them, right?

Somebody around him.

My speculation is somebody around him saw him taking pills, took pictures of them, and sent them to the New York Times.

Supposedly, now the Times is like, oh, his friends are concerned about him.

That's their excuse.

I don't buy that at all.

Nobody has friends at that level in Washington, D.C.

Nobody does.

Yeah,

especially that would be like, you know what?

I'm concerned about Elon.

I'm going to leak these photos of his pillbox to the New York Times.

Like, there's no friend of his who would do that.

It's absurd.

No.

It's somebody who hated his guts or wanted to destroy him and wanted these bad things to come out about him,

in my estimation.

So, you know, could that be true?

There could be some truth to it.

I don't know.

Could it be that he's in some manic period?

Could it just be that he's really frustrated and this is how he operates with everybody else and it's not that big a deal?

Most people shrug it off because it's just normal internet drama.

When you're doing it to the president of the United States, it takes on a totally different shape.

Not good.

Yeah.

Here's the thing.

Just pray for both men and pray for our republic.

This is not good for any of us.

We need them both to get along.

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So, Russ Vogt is joining us here in just a minute.

I can't wait to talk to him because he's a guy I really trust, and he's with the Office of Management and Budget Director.

And let's talk to him about the big, beautiful bill.

You know, geez, Louise.

This is just so,

you know, just when you think the Democrats are causing so much chaos, our side gets into it.

And I don't know about you, but I'm tired of the chaos.

I'm tired of the bickering.

I'm tired of being told who I'm supposed to hate now.

I don't hate anybody on our side.

I'm just trying to get along with everybody.

We've got to stick together and move forward.

Pray for that.

Russ Vogt joins us from the White House, the Office of Budget and Management.

He's on with us next.

Stand by.

This is Glenn Beck.

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This is

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Hello, America.

Boy, yesterday was just a wild, wild ride.

And I hate to see it.

It's like, you know, kids don't like to see mommy and daddy fight, and they're both so important we need both of these guys but we also need the truth on the big beautiful bill um you know i believe that there hasn't been enough cutting in there but i also know that between local state and federal government 45 of our gdp is coming from local state and federal spending We can't cut until we have the economy really roaring again.

We have to be very, very careful.

So what's the truth on the big beautiful bill?

Rosa Bog joins us here in just a second from the Office of Management and Budget.

He's the director.

He'll give us the straight skinny on this here in just a second.

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Russ Vote, how are you, sir?

I'm doing well.

Thanks for having me.

You bet.

It's great to have you on.

Yesterday was a tough day.

Do you know, has the president had his phone call yet?

Are they coming back together?

Well, I think the president

made some comments to the press this morning that

he's not looking to have a phone call anytime soon.

But I think he expressed disappointment yesterday with regard to

some of the comments made by Elon.

But look, Glenn, we're moving forward, and Elon's been an important ally and patriot throughout all of this.

And we've got a job to do, and I think that's where we're most focused right now is making sure we can get the word out on this bill, get it across the finish line, make improvements where we can, but get this thing home for the American people.

So I agree with both the President and Elon Musk.

I know that there are things in this package that are really important.

And I know, you know, I think the President understands it and Elon doesn't understand that, you know, politics are involved here.

And I don't know why Elon wasn't going after the Democrats and saying, why don't you care some more?

Come on, come on, help us.

But the president is now putting in a rescission package.

What does that mean?

And what is that going to do to this bill?

Well, again, two things I would say, just going back to your kind of initial comment there.

I think that the argument that the fiscal challenges of the country are so bad and we need to do as much as we can, I think there's alignment.

There is a total agreement.

I think the issue is how much, and this gets to your second part, how much this bill this is not a budget bill.

People get confused because they think it uses a budget process.

It is an agenda bill that uses a budget process.

It's not a budget resolution.

It doesn't give you a comprehensive fiscal picture.

It cannot by law include cuts to discretionary spending, which are all the Doge permanent cuts, right?

So that is something that has to be considered elsewhere, and we are in the process of doing that.

So we just sent up our first rescions bill.

We will send up more.

This one is $9.4 billion.

Why is it so small?

It's small specifically because of the politics that you mentioned, which is that Congress hasn't passed these bills, and we can do a lot of things ourselves that we don't need Congress.

But procedurally, and this is where

you have new people coming to the party and the coalition, they don't know the procedures of government.

If Congress doesn't pass a rescissions bill, we lose the ability to just not spend the money and to use some of our tools that this president is now talking about that we are polishing off that haven't been used since the 1970s to just not spend the money.

And so we have this whole side of effort on discretionary spending, making the doge cuts permanent, there's a lot of different ways to do that.

We are in the process of doing that.

That is another piece of the puzzle fiscally that you would not get from this reconciliation bill.

So

why are, I mean, because,

Russ,

I know you know this, and I am

an infant compared to the way your understanding is.

So please help me understand.

But

we are.

We are up against the wall with a gun to our head when it comes to printing more money or borrowing more money,

and we've got to cut this budget.

Can you explain to the audience why

we have to be careful on this?

We can't just go in and maybe I'm seeing this wrong, but I don't think we can go in and

just take an axe to everything until we get the economy to light the match in the economy.

Am I wrong on this?

I don't think you're wrong.

I think we can do both, but I think for people, I think it's why the bill is so important.

So you cannot have a conversation about reducing debt and deficits when the economy is not going.

Period, end of story.

It is vital foundation.

Does economic growth get you all of the way to where we need to go?

No, it does not.

But the notion that you're ever going to reform these big programs like

that are welfare and the social safety net without a growing economy, you can't impose a work requirement when there are no jobs.

So this bill, and this is where our main thing that we're trying to correct factually: if you adjust for CBO's artificial baseline that assumes tax relief will expire, they don't assume that, they assume spending is eternal.

So, Green New Deal is

and spending through that is assumed to continue, or the appropriations process, all the woken weaponized bureaucracy, all of that.

But if you have tax components, all of those are presumed to sunset, right?

So, that is

a fundamental, we've known this for decades, the way that DC screws and

misasses our bills.

So you've got to pass this, otherwise we're going to have a recession.

That said,

this bill actually cuts spending.

It has $1.7 trillion in savings, reduces the deficit by $1.4 trillion.

It is the biggest

mandatory savings proposal in history.

In the 1997s, we were only talking with the work requirements in Bill Clinton and the Republican Newt Gingrich House.

We were talking about $800 billion

in savings.

Has the problem gotten worse?

Yes, it has, but this is historic levels, and that's not even talking about the Doge cuts.

And so I think we can do all of them, but we've got to kind of figure out what's this bill doing?

What's the maximum that we can do it?

The art of the possible is a three seat majority in the House and the Senate.

We are willing to go further, but we also know the bill has to pass.

And

those are small majorities.

This is not 20-seat majorities, and that's a real political constraint that you reflected earlier.

But I'm very bullish.

Glenn, I think at the end of this year, if this bill passes and the cuts are maintained in it, we can end the year with a paradigm shift on mandatory spending and a paradigm shift on discretionary.

We might have the first

chance to actually cut non-defense spending by serious levels levels through the ability to just not spend money or to send up rescissions that don't need a congressional affirmative vote on through pocket rescissions.

That would dramatically change.

And here's the thing: it would lead to results.

What has caused the problem we have is fiscal futility.

Nothing can, we don't get any wins, let alone big wins.

This is giving us big wins, and I think it's why we're going to be able to change the trajectory this year.

The argument against that is it's raising the debt ceiling by $4 trillion.

So why do you say we can raise the debt ceiling, add another $4 trillion in debt, and yet, at the end, have a big win by the end of the year?

What is in this bill that is not connecting here?

So any bill that you would have ever had, your Republican Study Committee budget, Rand Paul's budget, whatever, no matter what bill you cut cap and balance from yesteryear, any of those bills act over a 10-year period.

and so over that 10-year period you're getting to these low balanced levels right in the immediate you all of them assume that in the short term debt limit the debt is going up while you make progress and so the debt limit the debt ceiling is a warning sign it itself does not create debt now it is something that historically has been used and president has views and and we agree that like we haven't gotten anything out of the debt limit in 20 30 years And so the notion that it should be done outside of reconciliation and Republican votes is something that we have been challenging as an administration.

It's just look, this is not serving our interest.

This bill extends the debt limit, but it does include what historic, if you ever historically got anything from the debt limit extension, it would be what is already in this bill.

And that's why we're so excited about this bill.

You know, I saw something from Goldman Sachs last week, and they said we are dangerously close to not being able to sell our debt

and then having to finance ourselves and raise the, you know, the,

you know, the interest that we're having to pay.

Do you know of a number?

Do you have any idea how close we are to that number before this thing?

Because I think we're just really on the edge here.

Where is that number?

How close are we?

I don't think anyone really knows, and I don't think that's you can ever know.

And I think the fiscal storm clouds have been with us for a long time, and we obviously see the extent to which it's a problem.

No one is arguing back against that, and no one's arguing that back to the critics of debt and deficit at all.

But I think what I would push back a little bit, and I'll add Moody's to the list as well, is that The meta point is true.

It's also one that you've been making for 20 years,

and

conservative movement's been making this president's been making.

The point is true.

The timing of these analysis are, I think,

for a purpose.

And so, Moody's could have made that determination 15 years ago in the Obama administration.

They chose not to.

They chose to do it right before House passage on an agenda bill that has incredible importance to the American people.

And I think the president's getting Liz trust

in that vein.

And the notion that Goldman Sachs doesn't have a sense about the way the baselines work in the watchdogs is also not true.

And so I think what you have going on here is

the reality of our fiscal situation and people continuing to rightfully educate on that.

But I think in the financial community or some of the watchdogs, there is a timing aspect that is specifically designed to use

the legitimate concerns to take down a bill that is otherwise fantastic

on a dishonest basis.

And that's one of the reasons we're working so hard to get our message out.

I know your time is really tight.

Can you just tell me quickly, what are the things in it specifically that you say are fantastic that maybe people don't know?

I think the biggest thing is the level of welfare reform that's in this bill.

The Medicaid reforms, the work requirement in Medicaid to get people back into the workforce, the food stamp reforms, both tightening the work requirement and giving states a share of the cost of that program,

$1.7 trillion in mandatory savings.

And then the second aspect of it is you talked about the Doge

recisions.

And the only spending in this bill is spending that is specifically designed strategically that is conservative and we would do it like border security, right?

If that's an appropriations process, we're headed towards a shutdown.

It looks like the first term we can't actually have a non-defense fight over cutting because we're fighting for the wall.

This bill includes that type of spending so that it clears the field strategically for us to have a massive fight on non-defense spending in the appropriations process.

We talk very rarely about that dynamic, but I think it's one that your audience will find very exciting.

Russ, I so appreciate the fact that you are there with the president.

The president has earned earned the right to get his, I mean, we're, what, 120 days or something into his first term.

I think he's earned the right to get his way.

I am worried about the debt and the deficit, but I do trust you, and I give my support to the president.

And I hope that we can get past yesterday and move to get things moving in Washington, because I think if this doesn't pass, I haven't heard a better idea from anybody.

I've just heard no's, but I haven't heard a better idea.

We've got to get moving on this, or we're in trouble, deeper, deeper trouble than we are already in now.

Thank you, Russ.

Well said.

Thanks, Glenn.

Appreciate you.

You bet.

Russell Vogt, Office of Management and Budget.

I have to tell you,

this is a really tough thing.

This is,

you know,

I don't like some of the things that are in this.

I don't like some of the things that are

happening.

but as I just said, I haven't heard anybody address the issues in a way

where we can get it done.

You know, it's one thing to stand here and say, I won't vote.

Well, okay,

but by not doing anything, by not moving,

and by collapsing this,

What do we have instead?

We have more chaos and more trouble.

And I hate this.

I hate this.

But I really, truly believe our back is up against the wall on this debt and the deficit.

And

if we don't get these tax cuts passed,

I wanted bigger tax cuts, but I'll take these.

If we don't, that is going to dramatically.

affect our

lifestyle.

And the world is in enough chaos.

Let's just pray that everybody does the right thing.

Whatever that is, Lord, let your will be done.

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Stu, where do you stand on this big, beautiful bill?

I agree with your analysis that the tax cuts are pretty much required.

I mean, you know, look, I would like a much more aggressive bill.

You know, the Republican Study Committee put together a budget that cuts $17 trillion in 10 years, and this one cuts 1.7.

You know, the Republican Study Committee is like some radical group.

Yeah.

I know, but do you go back to what Carol said?

Remember what Carol said on our show long before Trump even started proposing budgets.

We have to be really careful.

We cut too much too fast before the economy starts to roar and you collapse everything because most, you know, about half of our spending is coming from state, local, and federal spending.

Right.

And so, you know, and I definitely take Carol's point.

She's smarter than I ever will be, of course.

Carol Roth, we're talking about.

That being said, I do think that if you are pairing it, if you're just cutting, it would be that sort of effect.

I think if you're pairing it with things that are incentivizing people in the economy, you know, that's going to be, you're talking about more dramatic tax cuts than we get here as well is what I would target.

Again, these are pie-in-the-sky issues.

The problem with my plan here is if you do it, you will not get the amount of votes that you need in the House.

So what?

Yeah, that's what President Trump keeps saying.

He's right.

The art of the possible.

The art of the possible.

Right.

This is is what I've said a million times.

If you want a better bill, what you need to do is not win by four seats in the House.

This is the problem.

Now, what I would argue here, and I think they're going to have problems getting this bill through, and I understand Russ is working hard on it, so many people are there.

I think probably the end game here is to start trimming this down a little bit.

There's two end games.

What I would prefer is trimming it down, taking out a lot of the stuff that we're complaining about, probably downgrading some of the things that I like, and making it more of a focus bill that doesn't try to make it big and beautiful.

The secondary option is Donald Trump comes in and punches everybody in the face and they do what he says.

And that's probably what's going to occur here.

And I hope he does.

I hope he does.

One way or another.

If we can't trim it, we've got to get it passed.

One way or another, it's got to pass.

All right.

Back in a minute.

This is.

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Welcome to the Glenn Beck program.

We're talking about the big, beautiful bill.

I just had Russ vote on.

Can I

critique potentially the way you're talking about this bill a little bit?

Is that okay?

I'm open.

Yeah.

I just, and I don't think this is what you mean, but a couple of times you said things like,

look, the president deserves the right to do what he wants.

The president,

no, no, no.

You've said it like that.

I think you said it in the interview pretty close to that.

I said he's earned the right

for me to trust him.

And because there's no one else that is proposing something that has a real shot that's better,

I'm with you.

I'm with you.

He's earned the right because he told us everything that he was going to do when everybody was voting for him.

He told us these things.

So I don't give him a blank check, but I do believe that I haven't heard anyone else propose something that can pass

that

is better than this.

So I think that's what you should do.

There are two different pieces of analysis, though, or

two different structures to make that decision.

One is it's the pragmatic best you can do, right?

And that's your judgment.

Two is he's earned the right to make this decision as he wishes to make it.

And that doesn't mean you're, as I, you know,

120 days.

Yes.

See,

I don't think that's the right way to look at the presidency, right?

He does not just, you know, again, I'm just, you know, I'm not saying that you're wrong on that.

It's just the way I look at it is, you know, you have to be able,

you should be able to criticize.

Like, I think Thomas Massey is making points that are valid.

They're not, you might not agree with all of them.

And he's going to be a no, kind of, I think, no matter what on this.

But

those points should be critiqued at the very least so we can make the bill better and get to the best pragmatic solution.

Have you heard me critique Massey or Lee?

I agree with both of them.

Yeah.

I mean, I agree with what they're saying.

I really do.

Now, can you actually, they should should be heard, it should be argued, and if you can sway people to cut even more and get this bill, this

bill passed, then I'm all for it.

So I'm not, everybody has a right to speak their mind, but we don't run anything effectively, especially when we're at this point in a presidential

period.

We don't get anything done by committee that's really, really good.

I'm not going to sit here here and micromanage the president.

And this isn't micromanaging.

This is probably one of the most important things the president is doing is the economy.

But I agree with his general approach.

I agree that we have got to cut spending.

I think we can cut a lot more than what we're cutting.

That's what Lee and Massey are saying.

And I think we should push as hard as we can.

But I lean more towards Chip Roy.

Get what you can and then

let's move because we can't lose the tax cuts and everything else.

This isn't the Patriot Act or

I'm not saying, well, I don't know what to do.

I do know what to do.

But I also know that if we don't pass this with the tax cuts,

as Russ Vogt said, this is not an omnibus.

This is not the budget.

You can continue to add rescissions.

You can cut after this, and you can continue to go and go to Congress and ask them to continue to cut and pass more things.

For instance, the Doge cuts.

And I think those have to be done.

But you've got to get the tax cuts done.

You have to.

If we don't, the entire thing falls apart.

We will lose the economy if we don't get these tax cuts.

Yeah.

You agree with that?

Largely, yes.

And I do think they're ⁇ and again, they're not tax cuts.

I mean, they're just the freaking rates we're

paying already,

to be clear.

I know, but

if you don't get them, then it is a tax increase

next year.

That's the way it should be viewed.

Yes.

We cannot have that increase.

The Patriot Act's an interesting example because you're at a point there where, look, there are things in the Patriot Act that are very valuable and have protected the country.

That is true.

As an entire bill, it has been abused.

I mean, even the guy who wrote the bill has said it's been used in ways that he did not design it, which is kind of a problem.

I know.

This is not like the founders where you have to guess at their intent.

The guy's still alive, but whatever.

You get to that point where

this is how these things occur.

But

the issue...

The issue with, you could argue the issue with the Patriot Act was not every single thing in the the Patriot Act.

The issue with the Patriot Act was it became a big, beautiful bill and included a lot of things that shouldn't have been in there and wound up being abused.

And at the time, I think our, you know, the rescission thing by Vaughan is a good idea, and he's a good guy.

I think the people in Washington are trying to do the right thing with this and they're doing everything they can.

But to be realistic about this, cuts that you can pass through the Senate and the House through the rescissions process would help this bill.

It would help the scoring of this bill.

It would be something that would benefit

the passage of it if you could get them through.

So, saying that later on we're going to get them through on their own is

something to be a tad skeptical about, right?

I am very skeptical of this.

I am very skeptical.

I don't think I have been in a more clear-eyed

place on where the economy is and what has to happen than I am right now, even beyond 08.

We are in a much more dangerous place today than we were even in 08.

And I am very clear-eyed on that.

But I also am,

I am, I wish we could be perfect.

But we also have to know when it comes down to it, we have to pull the trigger on the possible.

I want perfect, but I've got to pull, I've got to have at least the possible.

Do you understand what I'm saying?

Totally, yeah.

So I'm not saying this is a big, beautiful bill.

I'm not saying this is perfect.

I'm not saying this isn't riddled with problems.

I'm saying it has really essential things in it that we can pass.

And we need to pass those things

before we lose those and then come back and try to get some more things.

I am very clear-eyed, probably more clear-eyed on

the deficit than I think most people.

I've been talking about the debt and the deficit for forever.

And

I was one of the first to say we're going to lose our

credit rating and everything else.

I've said for 25 years, they're intentionally tubing the dollar.

I know these things.

Unlike, you know, we're in a situation now where, remember the, not Patreon, TARP.

Remember when TARP came out?

I was, I was for TARP for two days, and here's why.

I talked to people that were in that treasury meeting on that Sunday night, okay, before TARP was even known.

And I talked to a guy who was in that meeting and is one of the most

is one of the most reasoned human beings I know.

Very reasoned.

He is, you know, he's a he's a CFO kind of guy.

And he was in those meetings.

And he called me.

He walked home that night from downtown New York to Midtown Manhattan.

And he called me on the phone and he was crying.

You know who I'm talking about, don't you?

I don't reveal who it is.

Is he the kind of guy that cries?

No, no.

No.

Not normally.

And he was crying, and he said to me, Glenn, people have no idea what's about happen.

If we don't pass this tarp, he's like, it's all going to come crashing down.

And he said, there's some bad things that I don't like the way it's being done, et cetera.

I don't trust the people involved.

But he's like, no one has any idea.

The world is not prepared for what's about to happen.

And he said, I just don't know what to do.

And

I got on the air the next day and I talked about it.

And I said, look, you don't have any idea.

I've been trying to warn this audience audience for a long time what's coming.

But what they're going to try to do with TARP is a couple of things.

They're saying the banks are too big to fail.

Remember that?

They're too big to fail.

What does that mean?

That they have so, if they go down, the entire world and the network goes down and you could lose everything.

And then you're in a reset and nobody knows what that reset's going to be.

Okay.

So too big to fail, which implies that what you have to do is make them smaller, break those banks up and go smaller banks.

So we distribute the risk over a large pool instead of a few small people, or big people, a few small

groups.

You need to spread that risk out.

Too big to fail.

The other thing was we just need to buy time

to do that.

Okay.

When

I found out two days later, when I started listening to people and who were talking about TARP, I realized they're not going to use that time to make these banks smaller.

They're going to use that time to make these banks bigger.

Okay.

That was their real agenda.

That's why two days later I said, forget everything I've said.

I thought we were dealing with honest people.

They are not being honest.

So while I could say, yes, we have to spend this money right now to be able to get out of this situation because we can't have these banks fail on us, I realized that their intent was not

what TARP was telling everybody it was for, to make sure we get through this and then stabilize.

They were just going to make everything bigger.

This particular bill is not that.

I haven't found the

dangerous lies in it.

I have found the things that

are dangerous, but they're right there out in the open.

We're going to raise the debt up another $4 trillion.

That's dangerous.

Very, very dangerous.

And there are people that are in Washington that are doing that intentionally because they intentionally either don't think it's a problem, which it is, or they

are waiting for that great reset.

And the sooner the better.

What What the president is saying is, I need this for tax cuts, I need this for regulation, and we can add rescissions later.

I still believe that he means we're going to, you know, add rescissions later, that we are going to try to cut the Department of Education, that we are going to try to do some big things.

You can't do them in this bill.

Now, if I thought the president was lying to us and saying, yeah, we're going to cut the Department of Ed, and he had no intention, like TARP, had no intention, I would be absolutely against it because it would say the whole thing is a lie.

But I do believe that Russell, who we just talked to, knows that we have to make all those cuts.

I do believe the president knows we have to make these cuts.

The president disagrees with me on debt.

He knows that it's a problem, but only if you're not growing the economy.

He believes we can grow our way out of this, but I know that Russell Vogt and everybody else, they know that you can't just grow your way.

He just said it to us.

You can't grow your way out of this debt.

You have to do both, grow and cut at the same time.

So when I'm giving them the benefit of the doubt, it's because

I do believe the president is a very good businessman.

I do believe he is good at negotiation.

He's probably the best at negotiation, but he also pushes people to the wall to get the best deal for him, for America, for whatever he's negotiating for.

He gets the best deal, but that doesn't mean he gets everything.

He gets the best deal he can.

And so I'm giving him the benefit of the doubt because I think his goals are in line with mine, even though we may see how to get there a little differently.

His goals are the same as mine.

The people around him have the same kind of goals that I have, and we speak the same kind of language and understand things, where the president and I may be a little different on a couple of things.

The people around him are more in my camp, I think, and they are counseling him on things and are a part of it.

And I want to give them every tool we can possibly give them.

If we don't, and again, here's the thing on TARP.

When I said on Tuesday, you know, that after it was actually Wednesday, when I changed my mind on TARP, I said on Monday and Tuesday, I'm for it.

On Wednesday, I came back and I said, they're lying to you.

Don't listen to them.

What I also said was, but understand that if it doesn't pass, it will mean

complete chaos financially worldwide.

What nobody's saying to you now is, if this doesn't pass,

it won't happen as quickly as TARP, but if this doesn't pass, if we continue to spend and we have a massive tax increase and the president can't get his power into

Congress and

have Congress help get out of this situation,

we have chaos just like we were going to have if TARP didn't pass.

And that's what needs to be said.

The consequences of not passing this are astronomical, astronomical.

And you'll feel it in about a year from now.

You'll feel it the minute those tax cuts are not permanent.

That's when we really start to fall apart.

Okay, back in just a second.

I hope that explained that for you, Stu.

We can talk about it some more here in just a second.

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You know, we have to look for the perfect,

live with the possible and take steps toward the perfect.

For instance, the VA, should it be privatized?

Doug Collins, next.

The fusion of entertainment and enlightenment.

This is

the Glenn Beck Program.

Hello, America.

You know, we were just talking about the big beautiful bill and

Elon Musk and Donald Trump.

We'll have more on that coming up in just a second.

But,

you know, I was telling Stu that

we cannot dismiss the possible

by searching for the perfect.

We can strive to make it better and we need to, but let's not throw out the good things by not passing this because if we get tax cuts,

if they, you know, and I don't even count these as tax cuts, really, if we make the tax cuts that we're all experiencing permanent, great.

If we don't, that raising of taxes next year will kill this economy and we'll be in much, much bigger trouble than we already are in.

But there are some things that

we can move towards.

For instance, you know, I want the rescissions.

I want the

cutting of the budget in this.

You know, and this bill does move forward on Medicare, on getting rid of some of that horrible waste and cutting some of those things down and returning people to work, et cetera, et cetera.

So that's taking a step toward the perfect, because the perfect for me is getting rid of welfare and returning it to the people and to the states wherever we can.

You know, healthcare, getting government out of healthcare, and that includes the VA.

You know, I'd love to see the VA completely privatized.

Is that even possible?

Doug Collins is with us.

He is the U.S.

Secretary of Veterans Affairs.

Can we privatize the VA?

What's being done with the VA?

We talked to Doug Collins in 60 seconds.

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Doug Collins is joining us now, U.S.

Secretary of Veterans Affairs.

Doug, how are you, sir?

I'm good, Glenn.

How about you?

Really good.

I can't thank you enough for everything that you guys are doing at the VA.

I mean, I just think there are

so many of our

veterans that have been treated so miserably.

They're killing themselves like they've never, never done before.

I mean,

I know that you heard some of the things that we've talked about here where

people are just killing themselves, trying to

make a point that

the VA

is in dire need of transformation.

So thank you for caring and thank you for doing everything that you are doing to transform it.

I appreciate it.

It's a lot.

Can we get out of this at all?

I mean,

how can we get and privatize as much of this as we can?

Well, I think the issue of privatization

is probably not the answer in this.

I think what we have is we have the tools that President Trump and I, frankly, I'd worked on when I was in Congress back in a few years ago was actually beginning to make this system much more less about the VA and more about the veteran.

And that is getting the care out of the centralization services all the time of everything having to do with coming to our hospital, coming to our clinic, but using our community doctors and others.

One of the big issues that's always brought up with privatization, and it's a valid discussion, it's something to talk about.

It's not something we're looking at, mainly because...

The thing that gets separated so much from the VA is that the VA just has the other issues and same issues as the private and the public hospitals, and that's in recruitment doctors, a lot of other things that's going on.

But then the specialty nature of a lot of what we do with them.

So the big thing we can do is, one, I think we can streamline this issue.

We can save money.

That's what we're looking to do.

We're cutting, you know, literally hundreds of millions of dollars out of bad contracts, bad stuff, but at the same point, getting the veterans, especially those that you just talked about a minute ago, which are on my heart, that are coming to a system that is not listening to their needs, and then in turn, believing that there's nowhere else to turn for them.

And many of them are taking their own life, and that's just something that this is not going to be acceptable in anything but we're finally asking the right questions and putting the you know the community and our private doctors our public doctors and our VA doctors to help get these veterans the help they need

okay so let's talk about a couple of things that you are doing

you know you had a a massive backlog of cases and you've brought that you've brought that backlog down over 25 percent in a hundred days what did you do and and what does it mean to the veteran Well, what it means is a several

way we did it was just leadership.

Then what gets measured gets done.

Okay.

I think that's an accountability factor that we have, and I brought that to us now, an accountability factor that says you're either going to do your job or you're not going to work for us.

And so 260,000 backlogs.

Let me explain what that means.

That's the 260,000 cases of people asking or applying for benefits through disability benefits that went over 125 days.

Okay, should never have been there.

Some are growing longer.

260,000.

We've cut that to under 200,000, as you said, within 100 days.

We've also begun, because that is now freeing up work, we're now actually processing more.

If you remember the dreaded scenarios that all the mainstream media, the New York Times and the Post and all the unions were saying, if you brought people back to work, it would be terrible and be awful.

And doing this, we've actually are processing more claims per day right now than we ever have in our history.

We're actually processing more than we're getting in for the first time in a long time.

What it took was simply saying, guys, you're going to do this.

It's not a choice anymore.

When I inherited a department in which, however, you feel sort of like, it feels good, do it.

You know, they were everybody just sort of operating on their own time zone.

And I said, we're not going to do that anymore.

The VA is going to actually be about the veterans.

So that's how we've done it.

And it makes the difference in it now that a veteran is not calling their congressman, they're not calling everybody else.

They're getting what they've earned, and we're fulfilling that promise.

So help me out on this.

You know, we reached out to you and your team after I interviewed a dad from San Antonio last month whose son Mark took his own life in April right in front of the VA hospital

because he believed he didn't receive adequate care for pain, that he was having mental health issues, et cetera, et cetera.

Speak to the dad who feels like the VA has failed his son and

what you're trying to do to make this right.

I will, just as I did one night, I actually was on with him, and this shows you a difference.

I go on any area I can to say, look, when we're doing it wrong, or we're doing it an issue that we need to at least address.

And in this situation, I think it's something we need to address, and I did this with him before, is

my heart hurts.

And I think it shows

the problem that we have in our system that has drug itself into a point in which we have just sort of handled the mental health crisis.

We've handled the traumatic brain injury, the PTS issue

in such a way that we just sort of said this is sort of the lined up way we do it.

And yet I've got

the, I'm telling our doctors, I'm telling our folks that we partner with nonprofits and others saying we've got to try something different here because we're not moving the needle.

Since 2008, the suicide number has not changed in this country.

And we're spending $588 million or more every year to, quote, prevent it.

But yet in our services, we're still treating it many times with medicine.

We're still treating it in times.

We've got to do a better job of getting more counseling in there.

We're getting more clinicals.

But also something that is that I've took from and we've been looking at from many of our veteran groups and others, including folks that you've been dealing with, but Bobby Kennedy are well at HHS, is we're looking at alternative medicines.

We're looking at hyperbaric chambers.

We're looking at possible use of psychedelics along with counseling.

Anything we can to get them the help that they need so they don't feel like the VA is not listening to them or they're getting just handed a bottle of pills.

And that's something that we don't need to be looking at.

They need to be getting help and not just a medical condition.

I mean, it's interesting to me that the Germans looked, you know, handed a lot of their soldiers bottles of pills so they could just fight and fight and fight and fight and become animals.

And we train our people differently or humanely, but we humanely, but we train our people to be able to go in and pull the trigger when they have to.

But is it fair to say we spend all that money doing that, but when they come home, we don't spend enough money and enough time to try to deprogram that, to bring them back into our society and how to deal with all of the stuff that they were trained to do?

Is that fair?

Yeah, I think it's a fair assumption.

And I think it's also the changing face of warfare.

And in a quick just moment here, I mean, in World War II,

I've had World War II friends.

They went with only two things in mind.

They were either going to win or come home dead.

They had no time frame to come home.

They were just going.

As war has progressed and now up until the last two, you can bring that all up way up into the last 20 years, the GWAT generation.

Less than one, about a one and a half percent of the population have participated in foreign soil in this battle, but yet we've done it over and over and over again.

And so what we're having is these folks who are in four to six to eight years who have all of this stuff built up.

We sort of broke them down to become

the soldier, marine,

airman, sailors that we needed, but the machine, and then they come back out and then when they're going so much, they never have time to process.

And for some of them who get out within four to six to eight years, this is something that's not enough time to get in the system

to say, here's how I cope.

And so you've hit it exactly.

in the sense that we're not spending the time in a transition.

This is why Secretary of Defense and I, on an unprecedented level, this has not happened that we've found before where us as secretaries sat down and said, we've got a transition problem.

And so it's owned by DOD.

They do the transition of folks coming out, but yet if anything happens in it, I get blamed for it.

So I just told Pete, I said, we've got to fix this.

We've got to start working on this.

Maybe you may own it, but I'm getting blamed for it, and I'm not going to get blamed for something I can't do.

So right now we're working on getting that transition better so that we have a warm handoff, especially for those who are hurting already, to come into our system

and receive almost white glove treatment where they're coming in warm handoff so that we have a better chance of affecting change.

And here's another aspect: I'm opening it back up to where we're going to partner with nonprofits, we're going to partner with foundations, we're going to partner with groups that are already doing good stuff.

And instead of us wasting money on things that we don't need to be on, I'm going to use other groups that are already in this

arena to say help us here and connect them with them.

Yeah, it always kills me when you have something like, for instance, in a different subject, but you have something like AA.

That works.

That always works.

And then you find these people who are running these centers who are like, well, we're going to change it and we're going to do our own thing.

It's like, no, but that works.

Why not just do that?

It's free.

Why not just do that?

Oh, it's amazing.

Glenn, you'd be amazed at what I see here of just red tape issues that we're already starting to fix.

And so, I mean, we're taking out, we put best medical interest so that our doctors aren't having to go through a second opinion or a third opinion to get somebody to the help that they need.

We're now actually going to be taking amputees who need, and I have the real experience of this, my daughter's in a wheelchair, that we were making them go to their primary care to possibly an orthopedic, to a PT, to an OT before they could just get reset for a new chair.

I said, that's bullcrap.

We're cutting that out so they get a better experience and we give them the earned respect that they have.

You know, a lot of critics, Democrat lawmakers especially,

look at the proposed 15% staff reduction that you

are championing here.

And they're saying that's going to lead to a shortage of doctors and nurses.

How do you plan to protect the frontline health care services for veterans and cut 15% of staff?

Well, first off, is 15% is a goal.

And that was come from the president.

He said, said, well, I'll look over all agencies, see what you can do.

And if you don't set a goal, nothing gets done, Clint.

And you know that.

Your listeners know that.

So this is a goal.

They said, okay, 15%, can you do that?

And if you can, how do you do it?

But what we did, because we knew, and the president knew this, that the VA is a really unique organization in government.

We're the only truly everyday facing department that we have dealing with this medical kind of issue as we deal.

And so what we did early on was that we're not even going to put in jeopardy doctors, nurses, which the Democrats and others are lying about,

being we protected over 300 over 300,000 positions within our health care system and our disability rating system that said, look, you're not even eligible to take an early retirement.

You're not eligible to do this because we're not going to cut the very things that we need.

But I've got literally thousands of other employees on duplicative HR processes, contracting processes,

human resources processes.

I mean, I was amazed here, and and I talked about that permissive attitude.

We were supposed to centralize our payroll several years ago.

The previous administration said, nah, if you want to do it differently, I found out that we had over 60 locations doing their own payroll,

and that was hundreds of people at a lot bigger expense.

So this idea, look, here's what has come up.

Everybody's gripped about the VA.

GAO has said for 10 years we've been high-risk lift.

The Democrats, Republicans, everybody on the Hill, and I've said this in my hearings, all of you, I can show you comments where you say you want efficiency, you want the VA to work better, and yet the first moment I start saying, here's some change in eBay, then all of a sudden it's about the worker.

Well, I believe our VA workers are great folks.

The VA is not a jobs program.

The VA is a service organization, and we're changing that mindset.

Have you thought of, I'm sure you have, but have you thought of doing things like in a private company, you know, I like to incentivize people and say, hey, we are way over budget or

we're trying to make this a better process one way or another.

Just tell us and then we'll give you, the employee, you know, a kickback or a bonus or whatever if that works and it came from you.

Have you thought about incentivizing the people to streamline and to save?

Yeah, we're looking at that.

I've been saying it everywhere I go.

I've been in 16 states over 50 of our facilities and I'm not even close to halfway yet.

And everywhere I go, that's exactly what I'm telling them.

Unfortunately, unlike private enterprise, I'm bound on how I can offer incentives and stuff

for that.

But what we're also offering is saying, hey,

how can we make this better?

I found that you empower American workers, Glenn.

You empower our people to do good.

They're going to do good.

When you believe in them, like I believe in them, and say, I want you to go be the best that you can be.

And if you see something stupid, you let us know and we'll fix it.

They're going to go out and do things.

And also, here's the other alternative.

Also, good people will not work where bad people are tolerated.

And we're making it very much of an emphasis to get rid of bad people who are not wanting to do good things.

It used to be a culture of failure up here or failure sideways.

If you fail, we just put you up at somewhere at the top.

That stopped the minute I came in.

And we're getting rid of people who can't do the job.

Doug, I really appreciate it.

I love the fact that you're a servant of the Lord and

you're so I know your priorities are right and that's on people.

So thank you for what you're doing.

We appreciate it.

I appreciate it.

It's always good to talk.

Anything you need, you let me know, okay?

You got it.

Thanks.

Doug Collins, U.S.

Secretary of Veterans Affairs, our sponsor

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10 Second Station ID.

Okay.

So, you know, we haven't had a chance to talk about this.

Last hour, we had a guest on Rust Vote, and he was,

he told me something that I hadn't heard, and we haven't had a chance to talk about it.

He said that the president said this morning that he wasn't planning on having any phone call anytime soon with Elon Musk.

Had you heard that before, or was this another internet rumor yesterday?

That one that I bought into last night.

So when he mentioned those comments, I did look them up, and it does appear he was on a show this morning and gave a pretty, you know, cold, I would say cold comment about Elon.

I wish him well, but

we're not going to be talking anytime soon, I believe.

Oh, here it is.

That's too bad.

But as long as they stop shooting each other,

I'm not even thinking about Elon.

He's got a problem.

Poor guy's got a problem.

I won't be speaking to him for a while, but of course, I wish him well.

Oh, that's good.

I mean, he's really tempered himself.

For Donald Trump, that's really tempered.

No kidding.

This is Glenn Beck.

You know, just talking about the VA and and thinking about how our heroes have laid everything on the line, the men and women of our armed forces, as well as the first responders, the cops, the firefighters, they set their own freedoms and their own safety to the side, and they run in while everybody else is running away.

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Well, welcome to the program.

Let me just, you know, it's,

you know, it's Friday, so let's get to the real news.

I mean, we've talked about Elon Musk and

the big, beautiful Bill and Donald Trump and, you know, veterans and everything else.

Can we get to the real news?

Stu's been trying to keep it away from you all day, but I'm sorry, but I'm just going to buck the producer.

During a House Appropriations Committee hearing yesterday,

Congresswoman Madeline Dean challenged Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick on the impact of President Donald Trump's 10% tariff on bananas.

Now, I personally like bananas.

I don't like to see the price of anything go up, but I really, really don't like it when it's bananas.

I mean, you want to do that to avocados.

I'm good.

I'm good.

Oh, yeah.

25%.

Ban them.

Yeah, I ban them.

Avocados.

1,000%.

Yeah, they could be, yeah, absolutely.

Tariff on bananas, she said,

what's the tariff on bananas?

Americans love bananas.

We buy billions of bananas a year.

And when I thought, here's a Democrat talking about bananas,

they'd know, you know, about bananas because they're all bananas but i digress uh and she said you know we buy billions of a year and lutnick said okay there's no uncertainty about our tariffs if if you build in america and produce your product in america there will be no tariff and dean cut him off and said quote we cannot build bananas in america

And while she's technically accurate there,

it's probably not the best point to make.

You know, that we can't

build bananas.

Interesting clip in that this is one of the very few clips that's going viral on both the left and the right as if it's a dunk on the other side.

That doesn't happen that often.

No, it doesn't, but building bananas really at all.

I guess you could.

You could build a banana, but it would not be the typical edible type of banana.

No, you know what?

Let's not talk about that.

I don't know what you mean by that, Stu, but I don't even want to pursue it anymore.

I mean, we could also say that while there are people that, you know, aren't building bananas, give Bill Gates a few more,

you know, years and maybe he'll start to design and rebuild the banana for us.

Then there's this story: Michelle Obama is going to release her latest book called The Look.

Wow.

We've all been waiting for this, but this is, quote, a vibrant exploration of her her lifelong journey with fashion, hair, and beauty.

The look will feature over 200 photographs, many never before seen, tracing her style evolution from the early days in the public eye during Barack Obama's U.S.

Senate campaign to her iconic tenure as the first

black first lady

and beyond.

The book is deeply personal and a reflection addressing the intense scrutiny Michelle faced during her White House years.

During our family's time in the White House, the way I looked was constantly being dissected.

Oh, my God.

What I wore, how my hair was styled.

Are you kidding me?

All I heard about was how beautiful she was, and her arms were so toned, and she was the beautiful, the most beautiful

she-man in First Lady history.

I mean, please give it a rest.

The look is her opportunity to reclaim that narrative.

Oh, stop.

Sharing her story in her own words.

From her colorful sheath dresses and cardigans as the First Lady, to the bold suits, the denim and braids of her post-White House life, the book highlights how she used fashion to convey confidence, identity, and authenticity.

Collaborating with her longtime stylist Meredith Coop, makeup artist Carl Ray, hairstylist Yean Damtu, Johnny Wright, and

Jirai Radway, Michelle weaves in their voices along with those of designers who crafted her memorable looks.

So it's all about her and how she did everything,

and how authentic it was, but she's got this whole team of people who crafted all of the looks for her.

It's just that authentic.

You know, Glenn, this reminds me of a wager that we had years ago.

I should remind everyone in the audience that both of us lost the wager, which I thought it was me saying

she's a man.

No, no, no, it's not that wager.

Oh, a different wager.

Yeah, that one I'll win.

No, this is

the one about whether she would run for president.

The bet was,

I said, no, Joe Biden will hold the nomination, which I was incorrect on.

And you said that, no,

he will be replaced by Michelle Obama.

Part of my calculus on this particular wager, which was

a typical defeat for both of us, just like this show is on a day-to-day basis.

It's a giant disappointment for both of us.

It was

that

she,

I think she wants that life.

She wants the life you just described.

She wants people fawning over the way she looks.

She wants rich, elegant, basically a model, a celebrity,

a, you know,

that's that life that she wants.

I don't think she wants the life of what Barack had in those years.

She wants the Onassi, the Kennedy Onassis life, but post.

No, I think she wants the Jennifer Aniston.

Of course, that's probably a really bad name to bring up, but I think she wants the Jennifer Aniston life.

Apparently he does too.

But yes, I think that's what it is.

Well, it's an off and on relationship, if you know.

Off-and-on.

Anyway, go ahead.

You were saying

I think there.

I think that's really her desire.

She wants to be essentially like a movie star, Hollywood royalty

in every incredible party that no one else can get into.

There is a certain power and certain access that you get in the political life to that.

But like, you know, Jill Biden was never getting it.

Right?

Like,

that's not what that is.

This is a different type of thing that she wants.

She wants to be above all that.

And so

I think this book describes it.

There's no way that the person who wants a book, like her husband was hit on issues when

he said the word arugula, and people said, oh, you're too fancy for politics.

This is not someone who's worried about being too fancy.

Agree?

100%.

100% agree with you.

And, you know, the thing is, is she's, I mean, her show on, what is it, Netflix?

Which one picked it up?

I know Netflix gave it a big deal.

Yeah.

Yeah.

Disaster.

Again, another disaster.

You know, it couldn't happen to a

nicer couple than the two of them where

people are just starting to reject them because I think they're seeing them for who they really are.

It was kind of like, you know, the Clintons,

you know, once the Clintons kind of lost power, they lost favor.

Where you don't see that usually on the right, you know, and, you know,

generally speaking, do you think?

It's interesting.

You know, because the Clintons are a great lesson for the life that she wants.

She jumps into politics again, and she's no longer this revered figure.

She's the politician that people are analyzing on a day-to-day basis, and she has to deal with all that, right?

Like, that's what happened with Hillary, right?

If Hillary had just gone into,

you know, quiet elegance, whatever version of that she has,

you know, I think she may have had at least some of this.

I don't know if she ever would have come to the level of Michelle Obama, who was always revered for her stupid arms or whatever, but like she would have had more of that.

The fact that she jumped in, Secretary of State, Senate, presidential candidate.

changed her just into this politician that everybody criticizes.

Like, you know, where Laura Bush never got that treatment, right?

Like, she doesn't, she, she was able to live a, I, you know, I think, a very

normal, like, upscale, uh, revered existence in those circles.

And the same thing with Barbara Bush.

But the problem is, is that Michelle, I mean, she wants these, but you have to, I mean, you can be famous because you're the first lady, but that's not why Jackie O was so famous.

I mean, she was the first lady, but she had such style, such grace.

Yeah.

It was, it was more grace even than style.

Her style was important, but it was her grace under pressure,

where

except for Melania Trump, I can't think of a first lady that has had true grace under fire.

Can you?

I mean,

Nancy Reagan was pretty good.

I think Barbara Bush was pretty good.

you know, Laura Bush, pretty good, but there, there's the two icons, I think.

It was not Michelle Obama.

It was truly Melania who was smeared and hammered every step of the way.

And then

Jackie O,

whose husband was killed right in front of her.

And she handled that with beauty and style and grace and kindness.

That's why they're legendary.

I mean, I think someday the world will recognize Melania Trump for how really remarkable she is as a human being.

Yeah, don't hold your breath on that one.

At least in the mainstream media.

But I will say, the bigger issue, too, and probably there's a reason why these similarities exist, is the under-fire part.

Thanks to several Democratic donors, her husband's been dodging bullets on stage.

So

you need, in a way, I mean, certainly

the Reagan would have that claim as well, unfortunately.

And I think you get into a situation like that where you realize your family's life is at stake on a day-to-day basis for what you're doing in this job.

And if you can handle that situation, not with, I think what most people would have, probably I would, is a selfish defense mechanism.

Hey, get out of this.

I don't want you anywhere near this world again.

Certainly don't run again.

What are you talking about?

You know, someone, you know, if my wife was going through something like that, like I would be selfish and want to pull her out of that world in any way I could.

I'm sure that's an instinct in every first lady that has to go through something like this.

But Melania seemingly has handled it with credible grace in an impossible situation.

Kind of like the grace that you see from Jasmine Crockett, who's also in the news.

She is

now she, yeah, I mean, if you've ever thought that she has said stupid things before, now, listen to this one.

She has accused now Republicans of scrutinizing the $2 billion grant from Biden going to the nonprofit for Stacey Abrams.

Remember, she raised, I believe it was $100.

It wasn't $1,000.

It was $100.

It might have been $200, but it was less than $1,000.

Okay.

Total.

All right.

So a couple hundred dollars, total,

this fundraiser and this

organization had raised.

Total.

And all of a sudden, she gets a $2 billion grant.

Now, that should be questioned by anybody.

Okay.

I don't care who it is.

I don't care what side of the aisle you're on.

That should be questioned.

All right.

But Jasmine Crockett has said the only reason why the Republicans are

questioning it is for the purpose of, quote, keeping a strong black woman down.

Hmm.

So in other news that makes sense, you know, as much as you can't build bananas, James Carville.

came out this week and claimed that the reason the Jewish Democrats are leaving the party is not because of anti-Semitism.

Clearly, James Carville knows what anti-Semitism really means because he says they're only leaving the party because they want tax cuts.

So if I may translate, James, I think what he was saying was,

you know them Jews, they only care about money.

Wow.

Let me line him up for a leadership position at Harvard right now.

Walk right in.

Just crazy.

Unreal.

All right, more in just a second.

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Stu, this is something we have to talk about maybe next year.

I mean, not next year, next week.

There is an

ex-post that's coming around of a guy who is his job to identify deep fakes and fake photos for the news.

And he shows three satellite images on the destruction and the troop buildup in Russia.

Tell me about it.

And people are panicking.

They're like, look at this.

We've got photos.

There's another one about Taiwan that's going around.

Is China about to invade Taiwan?

And the photos are all AI generated.

Now, there are very minuscule things you can pick up and tell

some of these are fake and not real.

And that's good that that's still available.

I think those are going to start going away really, really soon.

You're not going to have that anymore.

So, I don't know how they're going to tell.

But the reporter's position was basically: we are not ready as a society to,

especially an online society, to deal with all that is coming in this world.

Where

when you have a a new development something that is breaking there's going to be evidence online that proves to you whatever you want to think is true you want to believe and it's going to look real and it's going to seem real

and a lot of it's not going to be real and i don't know how we're going to deal with we're already terrible with dealing with these stories i can't imagine what it's going to be like i know

i know we're already that's bigfoot i'm telling you that's bigfoot it's like a blur and looks looks like kind of a mayonnaise stain on a photograph, but it's Bigfoot.

Can you imagine when things are so good that you just cannot tell the difference?

I mean,

it's amazing the world that we're entering, and it's coming fast.

Have a safe weekend.

Take the time, enjoy the weekend, enjoy the family, and may God save the Republic.

Here's Glenn Beck.