Trump Stops WAR Between Nuclear India & Pakistan | Guest: Dr. Jay Bhattacharya | 5/12/25

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Hello, America.

Welcome to Monday, and what a strange Monday it is already.

Let's see.

We have a trade deal from China, apparently, and a really good one.

Qatar is giving the president an airplane.

We're going to, I guess, do price controls on drugs.

Is that what I'm hearing?

We're going to delve into that.

Oh, also the Pope may not be as bad as everybody thought he might be.

Apparently, I don't know who to believe.

I don't know.

But he did come out and have a few words to say about AI that I think maybe the world should hear.

So we've got a full meal laid out for you today, and we begin in 60 seconds.

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All right.

Well, let's just, let's, let's start here.

I don't know if anybody in Washington slept this weekend.

On Saturday, we saw two massive events that could reshape the globe as we know it.

Let's see.

Let's start with what President Trump announced when he announced the ceasefire between India and Pakistan.

Now, these are two nuclear-armed nations that were teetering on the edge of nuclear war.

At some time, the United States and China, our biggest economic rival, struck a trade deal to slash tariffs and cool the economic tensions because we were about to go full nuclear economically with that country.

So let's talk about India and Pakistan first.

Situation in Kashmir has been a powder keg for decades.

These two countries

have been at each other's throat for forever.

And it started in like, I don't know, the 1940s when the British were like, we're not going to be calling anymore.

And they leave and then everybody starts to go to hell.

So

they have been fighting over this disputed region ever since.

Now,

fast forward to April 22nd of this year, and there was this horrible terrorist attack in Kashmir, in this province that is now

administered to by the Indians.

It left 26 people dead.

And India points the finger at Pakistan saying, you back the attackers.

Pakistan denied it, but India is not buying it and blah, blah, blah, blah, blah.

Everything starts to

escalate.

And they launch Operation Sindur.

They hit what they called a terrorist infrastructure inside of Pakistan.

Well, Pakistan says, that's not terrorist.

And they retaliate with a drone and missile strike.

And by last week, we were talking about air bases getting hit, civilian casualties piling up.

Both sides of the issue were accusing each other of, you know, you're violating the 1960 treaty of, you know, whatever.

This wasn't a border skirmish.

This was a serious escalation and the most serious escalation of anything in the region since 1971.

Both countries, nuclear.

Okay.

Then out of nowhere, Because last week, Donald Trump said, I'm not going to get involved.

It's between them.

And I'm like, okay, all right.

I like the fact that we're not getting involved, but they have nuclear weapons.

Should we get involved just a little bit?

Saturday, Donald Trump comes out and he posts on Truce Social.

After a long night of talks mediated by the United States, I'm pleased to announce that India and Pakistan have agreed to a full and immediate ceasefire.

Congratulations to both countries on using common sense and great intelligence.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio and J.D.

Vance had been working the phones for 48 hours, talking to the Prime Minister in both Pakistan and in India, and even Pakistan's army chief.

Pakistan's prime minister then publicly thanked Donald Trump for his pivotal role.

But then India starts to get a little cagey, and the prime minister is like, Donald Trump, what?

We in the White House, huh?

So I don't know what happened.

But here's where it gets even more messy:

hours after the ceasefire is announced, explosions start to rock in Kashmir again.

And India's like,

hello?

So Pakistan,

I don't remember which one started.

Well, one of them started it.

Now they're both blaming each other for starting it.

And everything by Sunday morning, everything, you know, started to look like it was spiraling out of control and everybody was pointing fingers.

Trump doubles down and he says, you know,

you stop all this and I'll substantially increase trade with both of you guys and we'll mediate a long-term

solution for Kashmir.

Okay, so now I guess we're back in the.

I don't even know if this guy ever sleeps.

When does this guy ever sleep?

So while he's doing that,

he also

hammered out a 90-day trade truce with Beijing.

The details are coming out today, but the U.S.

cutting tariffs on Chinese goods from 145%

to 30%.

And the world goes,

okay.

China, in return, drops their trade from 125%

to 10%.

So the trade war has been strangling both of us.

It's been hurting them much more than it's been hurting us.

But it's not going to be pretty if we don't stop all of this.

And it looks like the president

was

right about

all of this so far.

White House calls it substantial progress toward tackling our $1.2 trillion trade deficit with China.

The talk started on Friday.

They were wrapped up yesterday.

And today the dollar is climbing.

The global markets are breathing a sigh of relief.

And maybe we're past a lot of this bad stuff.

I don't know.

I don't know.

I don't know.

Now, could I put my tinfoil hat on here for just a second?

Something I talked to you about last week.

I asked you, is China,

were they doing a proxy war on us?

You know, were they using Pakistan to stir things up with India?

Because India was starting to side with the United States and we were talking about doing more business with India and more manufacturing in India.

And India is very important to China.

So

did Beijing get involved and kind of push, you know, we've been talking to India.

Pakistan, you would not believe.

They called you fat.

I don't know what was going on, but it coincided with all of the tariff stuff.

And then the weekend that we have all the tariff stuff resolved is the same time that Pakistan and India get back together.

Now, they were out of order, but

I don't.

I don't.

I have, it's just, you know.

I just don't believe in coincidence when it comes to global economics.

I mean, it's a chessboard.

And everybody, I mean, Donald Trump is playing 15D chess, but is China?

Of course they are.

They play Go.

Of course they're doing things as well.

I don't know if that happened, if China was involved, but I'm just like, today, can we just go,

okay,

all right, that's pretty good.

That's good.

Because now, I guess

we can all get back to business without fear of nuclear war, at least from those two countries.

And maybe the tariff thing is over with China.

Can we all just like relax for a minute, please?

Maybe.

We'll see how it works out.

Now,

there's something else that happened.

Where do I start?

Do I start with the airplane or do I start with

the drug companies?

Okay.

So Donald Trump is going to sign an executive order on drug companies.

And there are moments, it's rare, but it's unnerving because it's rare when you realize the ideas that made you who you are are now in conflict inside of yourself.

And you're like, oh, wait, hold on just a second.

I thought I was four.

Now I don't know.

I found myself in one of those moments yesterday when I heard about the latest.

President Trump has just announced he's signing an executive order to slash prescription drugs by up to 80%

by trying

what Americans

pay for

and trying to get the drug companies to charge us the same that they charge all the other countries.

Okay.

He's calling it the most favored nations pricing policy.

And that sounds really good.

And I don't like things that usually sound have nice, snappy little names because it's like the Patriot Act.

Well, I'm a Patriot.

I'm for that.

On the surface, this feels like a big win.

We have been ripped off.

Donald Trump is right about one thing.

We've been ripped off over and over and over again.

Do you know that we pay double, triple, and even sometimes four times as much as what other nations pay for for the exact same drugs for the same companies.

Now,

I have made this observation for years saying, oh, wait a minute, you don't like that?

Well, no, no, no, but we're the richest people in the world.

We're the richest people ever on earth.

You're not even going to miss it, America.

We're just paying more tax.

We're just paying our fair share to help the rest of the world that is so very poor.

Oh, you don't like that?

Oh, well, then maybe you're not for progressive income tax because that's what this is.

We are paying for all of the research so the rest of the world can have cheap drugs.

Okay, I don't like that.

Good.

Now let's follow through.

How come you like the same system when it comes to income tax?

If it's wrong one place,

it's wrong every place.

No, no, but I'm not the richest person in the pile.

Oh,

so it has everything to do not with principles, but your situation.

Okay.

Now, with that being said,

I really

don't like socialism.

I don't know if you've heard that.

The rumor is going around.

I don't like socialism.

What is socialism?

Socialism is

taking money from other people and having the government decide who to give it to.

And in this case, socialized medicine would be the government getting involved and saying, you're only going to charge us this.

That's not the free market.

However,

I would like to present the other side.

I'm completely conflicted,

but I would like to present the other side because I've always been on the side of absolutely not.

And I think I'm still there.

But let me give you both sides in 60 seconds.

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Okay,

so we pay double, triple, even quadruple the price that the rest of the world pays for the same exact drugs from the same exact companies.

Why?

Well, a couple of reasons.

One, we've subsidized the entire world.

The global pharmaceutical industry makes profit not in Paris or Toronto or Berlin or anyplace else, but in Des Moines and Cleveland and Phoenix.

You and I, we're the piggy bank.

Everyone else is the freeloader.

Trump came out and said, no more.

And today he's signing an executive order, which I'm really, could we start to codify anything in what hello

Congress, are you there?

So what he wants is we'll be the lowest paying nation

or we at least will pay what the lowest paying nation pays.

Whatever you're charging them, it's reciprocal.

Whatever you're charging them, you're going to charge us.

Now, it's really hard to not cheer for that.

I think I'm really for that.

And here's why.

This is not the free market system.

This is everyone on your, everyone who is vying for a house, okay, is negotiating for their house, except for you.

You're the only one that is like, no, I'm going to pay full price.

And the seller of the house is like, wait a minute, I got this chump coming in and he always wants to insist on paying full price.

I'm going to raise the price of the house

that's right i'm gonna i'm gonna pay it because i can afford to pay it and i'm gonna help all the other people on the block uh no chump chumpity chump chump no bad idea negotiate that's part of the free market the system has been broken for a long time because lobbyists have protected it with pharmaceutical companies and wouldn't you know we have an all-encompassing-encompassing broken healthcare system.

All the insurance companies, nobody cares what their drugs cost unless you pay for them.

I don't care if the, oh, this, this, this is a very expensive medication.

I don't know, is the insurance company paying for it?

Well, yes.

I don't care.

Okay, all of us say that.

All of us say that.

That's the problem.

Now,

you know, when you're rationing insulin or splitting pills or just flat out dying because you can't afford the medicine, that's a problem if you're paying much, much, much, much, much, much more.

For instance, there are medicines that we are paying $2,000 for that the Japanese pay 20 bucks for.

Why?

Why aren't we paying 20 bucks too?

So

I believe in the free market.

I believe, you know, governments shouldn't price that.

I'm pretty strong on that one.

I don't think government price control is really good.

And I think every time the government does something like this, it's like the guy who's sitting next to you is you're driving on a windy road and they're like, I don't know.

I don't know.

You're going so fast and you're going to miss this turn.

And they reach over and they grab the wheel and you're like, no, and you're both off a cliff.

That's usually what happens when the government starts to backseat drive or drive in the passenger seat,

you know, as you're driving the car.

Okay?

History isn't kind to ideas like this.

Remember the 1990s, Hillary Clinton?

I've got a vision for healthcare.

Yeah,

that worked out, huh?

Top-down, centralized.

You know, it's not arrogant.

It's just unbelievably arrogant.

And one of her smaller programs that she pushed for was a federal mandate forcing vaccine makers to make childhood immunizations to the U.S.

government at deeply discounted prices so every child could get vaccinated.

Sounds pretty noble.

What happened?

Well, the people who made the vaccines went, you know what, I'm just going to get out of the market.

It's not worth it anymore.

Uh-oh.

So they couldn't make a profit anymore.

So the supply chain withered and the red tape increased and shortages swept the country.

And then the government had to step in.

Wait a minute.

So the government stepped stepped in to fix the problem, and then it didn't work.

So the government had to step in and get, Give me the wheel.

That's what they're doing.

They step in, and more regulation, and then more subsidies, and then more control.

And then you no longer have a free market system.

That's where we're at right now.

Because eventually, the government that broke the system becomes the only thing keeping the system alive.

That's not the free market.

That's dependency.

It's also insanity.

So what do you do with Donald Trump's executive order?

Is it a betrayal of the free market principles?

Or

is it a necessary course correction in a market that hasn't been free in decades?

Is what he's doing

actually fixing the system because he's like, I'm going to show up and negotiate because everybody else is negotiating.

So the the biggest buyer of pharmaceuticals, why don't we just go, yeah, whatever, whatever you want to charge, what do you want to charge us?

That sounds good.

You know, maybe you want to charge us more?

That sounds good too.

I want to charge us less.

I don't really care.

We're not negotiating.

Why would we do that as the biggest buyer of drugs?

Because

that's the problem here.

The government's already involved.

Maybe we should get the government out of it entirely.

More in a minute.

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So I find myself in this situation today

agreeing in theory

and yet disagreeing in theory.

When we're talking about the president coming in and saying, hey, I'm negotiating for drug prices.

Okay, wait, hold it, wait.

I don't like this because I don't want the government involved in any of this.

However, hmm,

if I don't like the government involved in any of this, then we shouldn't have Medicare, Medicaid, and socialized anything.

The government should be out of it.

And that's where we have been as a nation, or I'm sorry, as a movement, most of us have been, okay, can't do this.

Can't do that.

I don't want this.

But

that requires us to debate and win the debate on the bigger issue.

Nowhere in the Constitution is this allowed for the government not to negotiate for drug prices.

Nowhere in the, in the Constitution is the government allowed to do socialized medicine.

Okay.

So if you want to have that argument, I am so with you on that.

Let's have that argument.

Let's have that argument.

That's a fun argument.

Right.

Now, if you want to just have the argument that, well, the president shouldn't negotiate on our behalf, wait a minute, as a taxpayer, if you're going to, can we just not get, keep getting hit in the face by everybody around the world?

They're all,

this is so complex.

This, this makes my brain hurt.

Everyone else is negotiating.

We're not.

So we're getting screwed.

We're paying $2,000

for a drug that the rest of the world is paying $20 for a drug.

However, let's remember, the rest of the world is on socialized medicine.

They may pay $20 for a drug, but you still can't get that drug over there because it's socialized medicine.

And of course, this is a big part of one of the reasons why we pay a premium is we generally get access to these drugs first.

Correct.

The GLP ones are a great recent example of this, all the weight loss injection drugs.

These are, you know, corporations made them.

In fact, not even just American corporations.

Novo Nordisk is not an American corporation.

They're the ones that do Ozempic and that.

And when they went into shortage, which they did when they came out because everybody wanted them, we were like the only country getting them, right?

We got them before everybody else on the globe.

Now, whether you like them or not is not the point here.

The point is that these new drugs tend to come to markets, just like, by the way, every other product, when you come out with a new product, where do they go?

To where people will spend more for them, right?

So they came here and they didn't go anywhere else.

You know, again, do you want that?

You might not.

Here's the thing.

As long as the government doesn't get into negotiating drugs for everyone, you know, personally, oh,

you mean

the socialized medicine thing that the government is doing, the Obamacare, you can't get that drug?

Hey, guess what?

Over here in the free market, you get off of Obamacare, you can have that drug.

You know, if you make all of the system actually do what it will do eventually, eventually, which is destroy people's lives and become the VA for everybody, where everybody is like, I think I'd rather kill myself than go through this anymore,

then maybe you have a chance of ending it.

Because as long as they're not negotiating for the part of the market that is semi-free, Solan is not free because of all the government restrictions on

healthcare and

insurance.

But if insurance, you know, maybe we could get that free and then that system would work and we'd be able to have the drugs.

But right now, I don't know why we have to have this broken system

and not negotiate and

look at the front,

not with

supervision, not with 2010 vision, but with a 2020 vision.

And look ahead and go, oh, I see that.

All of the bridges are out right in front of the car.

Because

we're collapsing because we can't afford everything.

And so nobody's willing to argue that we shouldn't have all of these socialized programs.

We've got to get people off these programs.

Nobody's willing to do it.

So

if,

if

this move actually saves a lot of money and saves us from the abyss, even for a couple of weeks,

isn't it worth doing?

Especially if it makes things worse

for those who are for socialized medicine and makes the free market a little more attractive.

Well, I mean, you know, there's a very long litany of reasons as to why, you know, as you mentioned, it's not really something the government in the United States is supposed to have a role in.

I'm with you on that.

I think we have to just agree

that the simple answer is, no,

you shouldn't do any of this.

None of this is constitutional.

Yeah.

And I guess, like, it's part of it is just like going back to tracing why we opposed it when, you know, Bernie Sanders, you know, would propose something like this, right?

Why did we oppose it when they tried to do it with Medicaid initially?

You know, there's a lot of reasons why.

One of the reasons why is when you have a big, you know, giant 5,000-pound guerrilla like the U.S.

government and all the money that they spend on this, you wind up with major market

manipulation and distortion.

And that is a problem.

Of course, one of the reasons why our medical system is good, if you believe it's good, by the way, we should also note that, like,

it's an interesting kind of confluence of events when we're sort of embracing the idea.

I know you've talked about it a lot with RFK Jr., for example, that one of the reason why we have so much sickness is because of pharmaceuticals.

Now, that's not my belief, but that is a belief of a lot of people in the movement currently.

And if that is true, why would we want to lower prices on these pharmaceuticals that we all say are causing all of our

long-term disease?

I don't have an answer to that part.

That's something that I think if you're in that waiting mood, I think this is why so many people who have had really strong values for so long are waking up every day and going, I don't know how to feel about this.

Right.

It's a confusing time, I will say.

Everything is broken.

I mean, you go to, okay, well, I mean, that argument, that's the next level.

It's another one.

That's the next level.

And you're like, well, why?

Because the whole thing is broken.

And you're like, yeah, good point.

I don't really.

Wow.

I mean, it's, we're so deep down the road of there are no good options because we haven't made good choices.

You know why we don't have nice things, kids?

Because we break everything we

have.

That's why.

Yeah, you know, and it's, it's, if you come to that, I was thinking about this a little bit because one of the way we've talked about these policies, this is not a new policy.

Now, it is through an executive order, which is another layer on top of this, because obviously, if these policies could be done legally through an executive order, my belief is both Barack Obama and Joe Biden would have done them.

They didn't even have, they didn't seem to even care whether they were legal, and they still didn't attempt this.

We will see what the courts say, of course, about that.

But like, I don't like that.

I don't like that.

I don't like that.

I don't think you can fight your way out of this.

I don't like it.

I don't like it.

I don't like it.

Make it go away.

Make it go away.

I mean,

it's so clear.

But like,

it's true.

Right.

Like, I.

Stop just violating the Constitution.

And that means we have to go back 100 years.

Right.

Which, by the way, you know who started Mother's Day?

Woodrow Wilson.

We didn't even get the Mother's Day Woodrow Wilson rant this year.

No, you didn't.

Hopefully that's coming later on in the program.

But like,

when you go back and you say, okay, let's trace this back in conservative thought.

Conservatives have opposed this policy forever.

Why?

Maybe they're just wrong.

I mean, look, conservatives are wrong on stuff, right?

Maybe the movement has been wrong on this the entire time.

No.

When other left-wing people have been proposing it.

No.

Well, maybe they were.

No.

One of the reasons, though, one of the real arguments from conservatives on this was to say, hey, we're going to lose medical innovation, right?

That's one of the main central arguments.

When you distort a market like this, you wind up giving all sorts of incentives that you're not going to see coming on day one that wind up destroying innovation in the medical field.

I will say the movement doesn't seem all that interested in innovation in the medical field these days.

Well, you're talking

about that.

Because I played this out of my head driving in today.

Okay, let me add that layer.

Yeah.

I'm not so worried about that.

We're going to have AI and AGI and ASI so soon it's going to solve all those problems.

That could be

where I was going with it.

I was thinking people aren't really really in, like, the language.

I know, you know, the RFK people

in five years from now, you're going to have, not even that, you're going to have AI or AGI or ASI that will say, oh, you want to fix that?

Well, just here, mix this, this, this.

And you don't even have to go to trials for it.

It'll just be right.

There will be no,

they're not going to be teams of people working on stuff.

It'll be AI.

It could be, yeah.

So that's a whole other level.

It will be.

It will be.

Oh, it will be.

Right.

I mean, I still,

I mean, and maybe AI completely solves this.

I still think, though, as an old, old, old timey capitalist that, like,

that the profit pursuits.

You can get some lemonade there in your blocker.

Right.

That profit, like the profit, the pursuit of profit is

incentive for innovation, right?

So I do think that is a long-term positive for the market.

for innovation generally.

And these things, look, you can even, even if you don't like medication, you probably acknowledge acknowledge that some of these have been very positive So you probably still want at least what you would consider the good innovation

Yeah, so look I I understand what you're saying.

It's not a I understand why a lot of people are torn on this and I think I can see where you're coming from.

It's not one that I feel torn on I don't I don't think it's a good idea.

I don't think you should be in the middle of

the

You're being a little bit more open to it, which I I understand because I the one thing I'm sure of I'm not sure of anything anymore right okay that's other than that

Look, if the goal is to centralize power and control the pharmaceutical industry from Washington, I am 100% slam on the brakes.

Now, I'm not against slamming on the brakes here for the other goal.

But if the goal is for the power of the president to break up a corrupt pricing monopoly to give Americans leverage again because we've already violated the free market so horribly because the government has no place at at the table, then is, is that pragmatic and is that principled?

I don't know.

I just know this.

The market has to be free, okay?

But if the players

inside,

I mean,

it has

competition has to be protected, okay?

You have to have competition, accountability, and consequences.

We don't have any of those things right now.

None of those things.

That's not a true free market.

That's a casino where the House always win and you and I always lose.

That's what this is.

So

is this move going to reset the table?

What if it forces companies to negotiate again, to compete again, to innovate again?

I don't know.

Usually, that wouldn't happen.

But we're looking at a time where the whole country is just being sucked into a giant crap hole.

And not because of Donald Trump, but because of what everyone has done for the last 100 years.

The chickens are coming home to roost.

So now how do you reset it?

I don't know.

I don't know.

I don't know.

I just, here's what I, and I think you should use this as a motto.

The only thing I'm certain of is that I'm not certain of anything anymore.

Because

everything,

you cannot just blanket say, I'm a free market capitalist.

Okay, great.

So am I.

Now let's take that apart and see what that means.

Where did we go wrong?

So what should you really be for?

And until you're willing to say, I'm for that and only that, which will dig us into a deeper hole,

should we not be pragmatic?

Or is that selling out?

Don't know, haven't dealt with these issues before.

So we'll have more on that coming up in just a second.

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This is Glenn Beck.

There's a moment when you realize you're just kind of tired of the ups and the downs, the cycle that keeps going on, just kind of starting over and over again.

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The president is now speaking on

trade deal, the peace deal, and then he's going to do the drug deal.

That sounds bad.

He's doing drug deals.

There's a new headline for the media to run with.

It's interesting.

Every once in a while you get this sort of criticism of Trump that he just sits around inside and watches Fox News all day.

I'm not saying he doesn't watch a lot of Fox News.

I think he likes Fox News, at least at times.

But like

I just want to see it on in any room.

In any room.

He does seem familiar with the people on it.

Like Janine Piro just got announced too big.

Again, the reason she was on Fox News is because she had a high-level government in New York, a job in law enforcement in New York.

It's like people forget the first part of it.

Like you get a big job in law enforcement, then you get the Fox News gig, then you get hired into the Trump administration.

People are like, oh, he just keeps hiring broadcasters.

No, they had the job because my uncle was a

homicide detective in Westchester County in New York.

Love the guy.

He passed away a few years ago, unfortunately, due to cancer.

But when he was there, he worked with Janine Pirro on a regular basis and loved her.

Like, loved her.

This is a guy who wanted to solve murders.

Oh, yeah.

As a judge, she's good.

Loved her.

So,

you know, she like

the point being, though.

What I get out of him is he's really freaking busy.

Like, he's doing a lot.

I don't think he's just watching TV.

I don't think he's hanging out, going to bed at noon like the last president was.

No.

He's pretty busy.

No.

Like it or not, not, he's pretty busy.

Okay, the China trade deal, the India-Pakistan deal.

There's a lot going on.

The drug deal.

Drug deals.

I mean,

when does he sleep?

That was just from the last two days.

And there's more than that.

We'll have that coming up.

This is Glenn Beck.

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This is

the Glenn Beck program.

Hello, America.

Right now, the White House, the president's getting ready to go to Saudi Arabia, where I guess they have some big announcements in Saudi Arabia that they're going to make.

But today,

he just is right now signing the executive order on prescription drugs.

He says this will reduce the amount that we pay for drugs by 30 to 80 percent.

We've already talked about that because that's a complex thing.

We talked about that.

If you missed it in hour number one of today's podcast, go back and get it wherever you get your podcasts.

The other things that he's working on is

the China trade deal, which we talked about as well.

That seems to be a pretty good deal.

Looks like that may be in the rear view mirror.

Also on Saturday, I guess we have a Pakistani and

Indian peace treaty.

What?

I don't know when this guy sleeps.

There's also the plane thing that we have to talk about, New Air Force One.

That one is a little problematic, but I want to talk to you about that.

And the latest on The Pope.

The Pope came out this weekend and said, hey, I want to talk to you about the AI thing.

And he's right about this.

We'll talk about that and so much more coming up in just a second.

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Okay,

so

Pope, Pope Leo, which I'm sorry, maybe it's just because of Leo the lion, but when I think of Leo the lion, I immediately think of Wizard of Oz and that lion, and I think of the Pope then saying, What do I have that the last Pope didn't have courage?

So excuse me.

But

he came out there saying now that he may not be as bad as Francis.

Well, that would be nice.

That would be nice.

But he came out and he talked about AI and said,

oh, we should be a little concerned about this because

it could eat individualism.

It could eat, you know, humanity and what it means to be human.

And

I think he's right on that one.

And, you know, there's two kinds of people.

The people that think that, oh, no, this is going to happen.

Everybody said bad things, you know, about

the internet and social media and how it, yeah, look what it's done in 10, sweet, sweet, 10 years to our children.

Look what it's done.

And this is far more powerful.

So don't dismiss it.

And the other is, well, you're just afraid of progress.

No, I'm really not.

I'm more afraid of surrendering the very thing that makes us human, you know?

And

here's the...

The truth, the real hard truth on AI.

It's real.

AI is real.

Its gifts are real.

And its dangers are just as real.

It is going to offer us blessings

that

we've never seen.

It will change the world.

It will.

It'll personalize education for every single child.

It will have medical breakthroughs.

You know, we were just talking about the prescription drug thing that Trump just is signing in now.

And,

you know, part of that is, well, it's going to hurt innovation.

Well, is it?

I mean, it could, but we are looking about three years from now,

AI and AGI and ASI being able to go, oh, you want to solve that?

I can solve it.

Here's how you make this drug.

I mean, we're not going to have these labs doing all kinds of experiments.

Should AI

actually

solve and do what everybody thinks it's going to do in a very short period of time?

Creativity is going to be enhanced, productivity, time is going to be redeemed.

It's really good.

Now, there is a red line here, kind of really, you know, when AI stops being a tool and starts becoming the substitute for any kind of human thought, you know, or relationships, AI, like government, just like fire, it can light your way, it can warm your home, or it will burn everything in your life down to the ground.

So when I saw the Pope's message this weekend, I, of course, went on to AI and I said, what do you think of this?

Okay.

Here's what AI said to me.

Look out

because

there are going to be a few things that are going to happen that you can watch for to see how close you are to having humans being eaten.

One, dependence over discernment.

Listen to this.

Dependence over discernment.

If you're asking, what do you think I should do?

Okay,

instead of

this is what I believe.

Can you challenge this or support this?

You've already started to slip.

If you're like,

what is it I believe?

Problem.

Delegating moral reasoning.

Number two, when we allow AI to define harm, truth, or justice, we're handing our civilization's soul to a machine that doesn't have one.

That's a machine telling you this.

That's a machine.

You know what that is?

Remember when I've ever said, I don't know, people say they're going to kill you?

I take them at face value.

You're foolish not to.

When you have AI saying, by the way, I'm going to destroy humanity.

I don't know.

I think I listened to it.

I think I listened to it.

So it says, these are the things to stay away from.

Chat bots for friends.

Remember, we just talked about that with Mark Zuckerberg last week.

Avatars for pastors.

Algorithms for God.

Quote, that's the fracture point.

Number four, censorship disguised as safety.

When AI starts pushing or erasing certain thoughts in the name of alignment, you're already living in an invisible dictatorship.

Five, the illusion of control.

If you can't shut it off, opt out, or walk away, you are no longer the master of the machine.

So then I asked, well, what will it look like when it starts to break?

Answer?

It'll be quiet, subtle.

You'll start to see the sameness everywhere.

No dissent, no original thought, just sanitized, optimized groupthink.

Your kids won't be able, listen to this, your kids won't be able to explain why America matters.

I don't think our kids can do that now.

They won't understand what a right is, where it came from, or why it's not up for a vote.

Instead of discussion, you'll hear nothing but slogans.

Instead of conviction, you'll see compliance.

And when it collapses, it won't take decades.

It may

take hours or days.

Can you unplug if the lines are crossed?

That's my question.

Answer only if you're practiced before the moment comes.

Unplugging is not about flipping a switch, it's about building a new muscle now.

So what is that muscle?

Think critically.

Knowing who you are without a screen, standing on something deeper than a prompt or a feed.

Wow.

When did those become something we have to remind ourselves to do?

When did that become something like, I don't know,

think critically.

Know who I am without the screen?

That's a crazy thought.

Standing on something deeper than a prompt prompt or a feed.

How many people do that now?

How many people actually know what they're for, what they're against?

A lot of people will say, I'm against this, but will they even know why?

Do they even know why they're for something?

Most people are educated through social media.

And anyone, the man

who reads nothing at all

is better educated today than someone who only reads social media.

Let that sink in because that's true.

Right now, you should use AI as a teacher, not a replacement, but as a teacher.

Right now, you can use AI to educate yourself, to learn economics, to go on and say, this is what I believe.

Make the case, make the strongest case for and against, and then debate.

Debate Western thought learn about western thought debate morality and and philosophy

learn the constitution learn how to grow food learn how to fix a generator speak clearly think clearly reclaim your foundations learn the bible

For moral law, for human dignity, divine order, those things are really important.

Learn the Declaration and the Constitution.

Know your rights and responsibilities.

Know Adam Smith,

de Tocqueville, C.S.

Lewis.

See the patterns and predict the collapse before it happens.

And know where you should be standing if that collapse happens.

Because

if you know what's true, you will see what's false

before anyone else.

And then that allows you to teach others and lead quietly.

Because when confusion is the word of the the day, when everything and everybody is confused, clarity is going to look an awful lot like leadership.

I saw this warning.

I've been working,

you know, 15 years ago, I launched something.

I launched the Blaze 15 years ago.

And my goal was to disrupt the media.

And I got to say, if you look, you're like, I think that worked.

I think that worked.

You know, when we first started, Netflix was still sending movies in the mail.

And look at now, the media, if you weren't on Fox News, CNN, ABC, NBC, CBS, you had no voice.

You had no voice.

But honestly, because of you and this audience, you gave power to the voices that would have been crushed in the system through the blaze.

And we made truth competitive again.

Some of the people that we helped elevate now sit in the White House press room.

That's incredible.

Incredible.

Now here's what needs to be disrupted.

Education.

And AI can be a part of it.

Can be.

But it is.

We have to be so incredibly careful.

I don't trust AI coming from Silicon Valley.

I don't trust AI coming from ChatGPT.

I don't trust it.

I don't trust any of it.

I don't trust it because I know how it works.

Well, nobody actually knows how it works, but I know what a lot of its faults are right now.

And I also know it depends on who's programming it.

I want to tell you that

I have two teams of people that are working on something that I hopefully will be announcing soon,

one in each hemisphere.

So one team is working while the other team is asleep, and then they switch in the middle of the night.

And we've been working around the clock for over six months on something.

And

we're building something.

I'm building something that wasn't even possible 24 months ago.

Not even possible.

But I believe in the end, this is going to be the one thing.

This is going to be the thing that is

the most important thing I've ever done.

And the time is short.

And I'll talk to you about it later this summer.

And hopefully, if you feel the urgency that I feel, you'll be able to support this.

But

we have to

corral AI

and dedicate ourselves to education.

Today, I'm with PragerU all day.

I'm filming a whole bunch of stuff for Prager U

that

AP classes are going to have access to all over the country.

And I'll tell you more about that when it's out.

But

the opportunities that are happening right now on education are endless, and we're going to lead that.

So you need to start educating yourself right now.

But here's the one thing.

When I read this thing from Pope Leo, courage.

I thought to myself immediately, okay, well, that's not good.

I want you to, I want you, here's your mission today.

Here's the one thing you should be working on today, starting today.

Constantly say

these two words, but God.

I had been saying, well, it's going to be interesting to see how that all works out.

And that's kind of defeatist in a way.

I mean, it's a funny way for me just to dismiss all the things and like, well, that's not going to go well.

It's going to be interesting to see how everybody works that one out.

Change it.

But God.

But God.

Understand the phrase, learn it, and live it.

So in six months from now, it's such a part of you that it shapes how you walk, how you think, how you lead.

And let me explain.

Much of the stuff that we're talking about and then some things that I talked to you about 20 years ago are still on the horizon.

And

it's going to be a tough ride.

It's going to get much worse before it gets much better.

But here's the thing that all of the models and everything else and AI cannot account for, and that is

but God.

Because nothing factors him in, except you.

They never do.

The models never do.

But God's already working right now in small ways, in hearts that I don't see, you don't see, stories you don't hear, movements that are just beginning.

And like candidates who get shot in the middle of a field and should be dead.

They're not.

I mean, the president, they tried to kill him, but God.

Because that's where hope lives.

Not in machines, not in governments, not even in our plans.

Hope lives in truth, in light, in God.

And while things

might look really, really bad,

but God,

he's still on the move.

All right, there's a place where hope and fear collide, and it's not a hospital or a church or even a home.

It's a parking lot she's been there for a while sitting in silence staring at the clinic door trying to decide if she can go through with it if there's still time to turn around she's not thinking about politics or anything philosophical she's thinking about survival what's growing inside of her whether anyone still loves her if she makes the wrong choice The distance from her car to that door is all that stands between her and the decision she'll regret for the rest of her life.

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10 seconds, station ID.

You know, I watch Donald Trump on these press conferences.

He's still in the middle of a press conference.

Now he's got RFK.

He's cutting out

the middleman.

Up on the screen, it says, you know, prescription drug

bill cuts out the middleman.

And I'm like, no, no, Donald Trump's little meetings every day with the press, that's what cuts out the middleman.

You just go right directly to the source.

He'll spend 25, 30, 45 minutes just talking to the press, answering any question, and you get it directly from him.

It's brilliant.

I think it's a good innovation in the presidency, largely, too.

I mean, certainly much better than what we had last president, a guy who would just disappear for months at a time.

It's good that he's out there talking to the American people, whether you like his policies or not.

At least you're hearing about them from him.

It's kind of nice.

Are you still Joe Bidening

right now?

By the way, one interesting part about the drug thing, because the examples, you can always find examples.

You would mention one of $2,000 and $20 of the price that we're paying.

But the average is about three times as much

for brand name drugs.

Oh, that's not bad.

Which is high.

It's bad.

I will say, however, we're paying about a third less than competing countries on generic drugs, which are 90% of our prescriptions in this country.

So there is a small subset of drugs where we do pay more.

But overall, that's not really the case at all.

And certainly the problem has been massively exaggerated by

the left over the years.

And I think there are examples of it where you could sit here.

People will point to that guy.

Who's the guy, Pharma Bro, who was like jacking up all the the prices?

This is, you know, years ago.

I can't remember his name off.

You'd know the story if I went through the whole thing.

But where, like, you know, there are certain examples of prices going really, really high on certain things, especially drugs that only hit small segments of the population.

And of course, if you're in that segment, like you have a disease that could be helped by one of those drugs, really, really

important to you.

As a societal situation, though, the problem does get very much overblown.

I mean, it really isn't as dramatic as it is

tossed out there by the media.

Here's what the president is appealing to:

American sense of fairness.

It is, it is, and then the sense of,

have we been rubes this whole time?

Everybody else is negotiating and we're not negotiating.

No, we're actually for the free market system.

The problem is we've violated it so far, so so deep violation

through our

Medicare, Medicaid, and our insurance companies and the way we regulate them.

You know, you either have to dump that or you have to negotiate for a better deal.

This is Glenn Beck.

Well, this time of the year, the energy in sports picks up a little bit.

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Yeah, hang on just a second.

Welcome to the Glenbeck program.

China has just said that they're going to not ship fentanyl to the United States anymore.

And as a guy who wakes up on operating tables

what do you mean by that i mean fentanyl is a good thing it's also a very bad thing but it's a good thing it's a good thing if used pro used as directed used as directed yes that's kind of the yeah thing so you don't you're saying you want fentanyl for medical uses maybe for medical uses yeah i mean you know it's i mean sometimes there's pain that i mean i look i don't want to take fentanyl uh i don't ever want to take fentanyl But I was in pain so badly that that's the only thing that took me out of pain for a while.

And I didn't have a problem with that at the time.

I wanted the pain to stop.

And, you know, strangely, it doesn't.

It just makes you like, I don't care.

I don't really care anymore.

I think I might be able to fly.

I could put myself out.

I'm on fire.

I'll put myself out by flying off the roof.

So it's bad when

not under,

you know, know, the strict supervision of a doctor.

Right.

Yeah, I was talking to a friend of mine who's an anesthesiologist this weekend.

We're, you know, in between baseball games.

Yeah.

You know, and he was saying that, you know, he was talking about some drug.

It wasn't fentanyl.

It was another one.

In my mind, it translated as the Michael Jackson drug.

Propofol?

It might have been that.

Yeah, yeah.

And he was saying, you know, he,

this has come a long way over the years, this technology.

And he says, but he says, like, you know, sometimes like certain people, he says, especially like, you know, people maybe who are uh you know

have uh um sleep apnea have issues um some people who are bigger have issues like where that's two out of the two

you're bad a thousand

congratulations i'm anxious to hear what he has to say here but he said sometimes people will in the middle of like of this will will open their eyes and just look at you right in the eyes And be awake.

But not like not awake, like dead inside, almost like, you know, like, not like, hey, having a conversation, but like, no, I wake up as a message.

I wake up and I'm like, gah!

I just don't look them in the eye.

I just say, I'm in pain.

And then they usually have me down again by that time.

Yeah, it's credible, like, what, what they can do with this.

And that's the thing, like, part of the issue, I think, over the years is we've gotten a little too generalistic with the medical field and that, like, you know, pharmaceutical companies

are the problem.

Like, period.

And it's like, well, they might cause some problems.

Some of them certainly have done bad things.

We've had government mandates that we've all disagreed with.

On the other hand, they also do a lot of really great things.

And

you got to find that balance.

This is like where you have to, I mean, this is where you have to find most things.

You shouldn't be totally against or for anything.

Now,

there are a few caveats.

National socialism, I'm completely against.

Are you sure?

I'm positive.

Just

some historical evidence?

Some historical evidence may pop pop up from time to time, but there are some things.

But for the most part, you can't say pharmaceutical companies are bad.

They're not.

They can be greedy.

They can be destructive.

But they also can be miracle workers.

Miracle workers.

Yeah, it's true.

I always talk to a friend of mine who was very, very much off of the big pharma bandwagon, let's say.

I talked to him and he's always said, and we bust on each other over it.

And they're like, we're definitely on different sides of it.

And he was just like, oh, gosh, you know, every single thing is, you know, he's anything you can come up with that's a negative connotation to a pharmaceutical company.

He'll, he'll, kind of what he believes.

Until he was in the hospital because he had hurt himself and needed drugs, then he was all for it.

Like, then all of a sudden, you're all for it.

And

when you get to that point, you're usually

all for it.

Like, I got it, I gotta try it.

Make it stop, or this is really a good thing.

He's a a really a good thing.

Yeah.

And so there's a difference between, hey, every single time you have a minor issue, you should take endless medication to the end of your life.

And, you know, look, a lot of these things actually have done a lot of really positive

developments.

Think about advertising.

Pharmaceutical companies advertising.

I'm fine with it.

I know most people are not.

We're the only ones in the world that do it.

And I don't know.

Again, this used to be a thing that the American people would be proud of.

I we had a, I'm not yelling at you, but like, I feel like I do, you know what?

You bastard.

No, we used to say, hey, we're the only ones doing this.

Yeah.

We're the only ones with a, with a, with the, a First Amendment, for example.

We used to be proud of such things.

I know, but we are.

And now, Michael said,

but wait, but what is Inner Mongolia doing it?

If Mongolia has the policy, it must be good.

Right.

No.

Those people didn't even have TVs, they really have it going on anyway.

Uh, you know, the but the problem is that we've everything's so out of whack.

That's the problem.

For instance, wait, wait, wait.

I have no problem with advertising.

Believe me, I've built empires on advertisement.

Not really pharmaceutical advertising.

Right, no.

But so I understand advertising, but there is a difference between,

you know, I go back to Edward Bernays, the guy who is the father of of modern, they say, advertising.

He used to be the father of propaganda.

Yeah.

Until Goebbels used all of his teachings to like, you know, do everything that national socialists do.

That's an earlier topic.

You know,

it's propaganda.

And when it is overused and people just become so brainless that they're like, okay, I got to have some of that.

I got to, you know what?

I got that problem.

I got that problem.

I need that drug to make that problem go away.

And you really don't have that problem.

And nobody really, everybody's just making a buck.

When it gets that far out of whack,

then you have problems.

Everything can be solved with all of us just kind of backing away from the extremes.

Just going, you know what?

It's not necessarily a bad thing.

Not on things like free speech, though.

No, no, no.

We shouldn't back off from that.

Companies should be able to advertise what they want to advertise, in my view.

I'm saying, mine too.

What I'm saying is that

if we would just,

I don't know, have an ounce of self-control.

Yeah.

We wouldn't have to worry about regulation.

Well, that's a great point because, and this is why

when this debate comes down the line, I'm almost confused at who the target is in it.

The target is

the pharmaceutical company for saying what they believe their drug does.

Now, you might say, you might not disagree with that, but like we have a system system in which doctors are required to prescribe these medications.

And if you go, if I go, hey, I've got plopopol,

which I saw,

I was watching

a basketball game and they said, I should have Plopophol.

And then you're, there's an element here where the doctor's supposed to say, well, wait a minute, that actually wouldn't make any sense for you, or it would.

Right.

Right.

And like, people will say, well, they have undue influence on the doctor.

You should have a doctor that doesn't, isn't telling you what

I said.

Have an ounce of self-control.

Exactly.

It is up to you.

First of all, you to make

your decisions as to what you put in your body.

And then secondly, it is an issue where the doctors should have a line there.

It's like saying, you know, fast food companies shouldn't be able to advertise.

Well, there's a line there where you're supposed to make decisions on what you eat.

It's your responsibility, not theirs.

They shouldn't have to say, well, our food actually sucks.

You should be able to make decisions about yourself.

So here's the thing.

And I mean, it goes back to, I mean, this is rather new thought, okay?

It goes back to, I don't know, when was it?

Last week.

No, 1750, where Adam Smith was talking about wealth of nations.

That's the capitalist system.

Before that was book one of the series, moral sentiments.

Moral sentiments, yeah.

Where if you don't have self-control, if you as a society are just like, I want some of that,

you're going to get exactly what you deserve.

And that's the problem.

We have put all of our faith in wealth of nations and completely dismissed moral sentiments.

Wealth of Nations, the capitalist system does not work without self-control by everyone involved.

That means you, the consumer, I want more porn.

It will give you more porn.

So if you don't have self-control, then the free market is incentivized because everybody's screaming for more porn.

You're going to produce people who rise up and like, I'm going to make money off of that.

And they'll produce, because they have no moral sentiments either.

They'll produce the porn for everybody screaming for porn.

So how do you do it?

You regulate the market?

No.

You teach moral sentiments.

That's why in our country, this is why religion has been so important because it puts a self-regulator on people.

Look, you don't even have to believe in God.

You don't even have to believe in God.

Let's just say, let's just say, let's let's you and I talk as a couple of atheists here that just don't have any belief in God at all.

Look, the rubes that do believe in God, because I know you know so much better.

I do too.

You know, we don't, we don't buy into those fairy tales.

So you and I know better.

We don't have to have self-regulation at all.

We're totally solid.

But the rest of those people,

if they just believe there's a scary God,

some scary sky god there with his thundergun, and he's like, oh, you're bad.

I'm going to send you to hell.

Maybe they won't do those bad things and society will work.

Now, let me explain this as a Christian.

If we just do what God told us to do, he's, oh, so frustrating.

God's exactly like you are, except a better version of it.

But he's exactly like you are.

He's been saying to us, don't do that.

That's going to hurt.

Don't run with those scissors.

Don't know.

Don't run into.

You're going to run into the patio door.

You're going to run into the patio door.

It's the patio door.

Don't run.

You're going to run into the patio.

Boom.

You hit the patio door and God's like, yeah.

Yeah.

Now, is that a punishment?

No, he's been telling you the whole time, don't do that because that's going to happen.

So he's just laying out a few rules and going, hey, don't do that because I'm not going to punish you.

Your own actions will punish you by us not having moral sentiments.

It's nobody's fault.

It's not the internet's fault.

It's not the pharmaceutical company's fault.

It's not the doctor's fault.

It's not not the politicians' fault.

You know,

it's our fault.

It's their fault.

It's all of our faults.

As humans, as Americans, we've chosen, we can have everything.

We can do whatever we want.

What I do doesn't matter.

It does matter.

You want to fix things.

That's the only way to fix them.

It's never going to be fixed in Washington.

It's going to be fixed by each of us.

having just a little bit of self-control.

You should read this new book called by this new writer.

What's his name?

Adam Smith.

Wealth of Nations is book two.

Moral sentiments is book one.

Read moral sentiments.

You'll understand.

How to fix it all.

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Back.

We'll be right back.

There's a lot of financial advisors out there, but how many of them actually see the world the way you do?

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I, uh, today,

Stu walked in, and I was listening to

something as I was doing my show prep.

And I want you to hear a little bit of this.

This is Emma Nissen.

And Stu walked in and said, this is Billie Eilish.

Everybody's talking by how the magic it is to be loved.

This woman is

amazing.

She's in her 20s, very, very young.

And then, and I said, no, wait a minute.

You think it

you think it might be

Billie Eilish?

How about let me play this?

Tell me who you think.

Tell me who you think she sounds like now.

Her name again is Emma Nissen.

Let me get to it.

Right.

Now you'd say, is she Adele?

This is Adele, right?

No,

not Adele.

Try this one.

Maybe, maybe she's not Adele.

Maybe she's not Billie Eilish.

Maybe listen to this.

Try this.

Just like Sinatra said, I

Is she Ella?

I guess I'll never take a new again.

This girl is like unbelievable.

Unbelievable.

Her name again is Emma Nissen.

I just found her.

I know other people have listened to her for a long time.

I can't stop listening to her.

And when Stu said that to me today, I realized that's when you know you found somebody completely original.

When you listen to them, you go, oh, yeah, well, they're kind of like Billie Eilish.

Well, they're kind of like Adele.

Well, they're kind of like, no,

no,

they're like Emmanisson.

When somebody comes on the scene and you can't put them into a box, it's because they've created their own box.

And if you haven't heard this girl, all of the lyrics are Christian.

She's amazing.

Really, truly amazing.

Eminison.

And check your doctor before taking Eminisson if you have an Emanison.

We shouldn't let Emanisson

advertise.

Is she advertising?

People will be fooled, and they will be required to listen to emancipation.

I'm concerned, Glenn.

You're concerned?

I'm concerned.

People might get overwhelmed by this.

I know.

Is she causing all of our problems in society?

She is probably all of our problems.

All of our problems.

All right, more in just a second.

This is Glenn Beck.

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All right, last hour of the program coming up just a second.

Down the road where shadows hide, feel the dark on every side.

Stand your ground when times get tight.

Gotta face the dark and embrace the fire.

The fusion of entertainment and enlightenment.

This is

the Glen Beck program.

Hello, America.

The most listened to News Talk Radio Program

in America.

Welcome.

We're glad you're here.

Let me tell you about a couple of things.

Apparently, 71%

of Democrats now want someone else in jail besides Donald Trump.

I want to get to that here in just a second.

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Slash back.

Okay.

71% of Democrats now say that this person should go to prison.

Who is that person?

Besides Donald Trump.

I was going to say, only 70%.

It can't be Trump.

Who?

Who?

Who, who, who, who, who, who, who, who, who?

I believe I know the answer.

Yeah, who is it?

Elon Musk.

Elon Musk.

Elon freaking Musk.

They now want to put Elon Musk in prison.

The guy that saved the climate.

Saved the climate.

Single-handedly did more for climate than anybody else on the planet.

Yes, dare I see it.

Even more than Al Gore.

Wow.

The guy who invented the internet?

Yeah, he did.

I will say, if you're looking at this honestly with the left-wing

calculus,

it is impossible to disagree with that, that he's done more than anyone else.

I mean, he basically took

electric cars from nothing, when no one wanted them, no one had them, and built the world's largest car company out of it.

Not to mention what he's done with SpaceX, which also has a massive climate motivation.

Not to mention what he did with, was it Solar City, the solar company, that

solar roofs and solar panels.

I mean,

how many conservatives do we know that either own Teslas or

have solar on their house now or both?

Yeah.

And not because of the conservative turn necessarily to

Elon Musk, which is part of it lately, but because he was the first person that actually made it work.

Yeah.

Yeah.

Now, it's just so you know, so you don't get all down in the mouth when I say they want to put him in prison.

You might say, what's the logical question there?

71% of Democrats want to put him in prison.

The logical question is, why?

What did he do?

It's a crime.

Yeah, yeah.

No, it's actually 71% of Democrats now want to pass a law that puts him into prison.

Oh, yeah.

So just when you thought it was bad.

No, no, it's much worse.

Much, much worse.

They want to retroactively put him in prison, not for a crime he committed, but for one, they can

make him commit.

They are for a

unidentified, nondescript law that would put him in prison.

Wow.

How far are you going to fall, Democrats, before you realize I might be on the wrong side?

You now are for passing a, coming up with a law where the objective is put that guy in jail.

I think there's no way to defend that.

I mean, I'm just working on it just off the top of my head here, but I don't think I could find a way to defend.

Would you ask Rock or Chat GPT,

how could I defend

creating a law

whose objective is

only to put Elon Musk in jail?

How would I define that?

I should have to ask Grok that question.

I can't figure it out.

Give me a defense of a law that is.

No, no, of writing a law whose only objective is to put Elon Musk in jail.

Let's see what Grok has to say.

Because I don't even think Grok could come up with it.

Hopefully the answer is, I can't justify that.

I'm going to get no

my Twitter account is going to get it's going to get no reach after I type this sentence, but I'll watch.

I bet you it will come up with something.

It doesn't it plays fair with Elon Musk.

It won't defend him.

No, I know.

I'm just saying

some part of this algorithm is going to pick up.

I'm trying to put Elon Musk in jail.

I'm not going to get any retweets for a month.

Defending a law with the sole objective of jailing Elon Musk is a tough sell.

But let's give it a shot by framing it in a way that might appeal to reason while acknowledging the obvious pitfalls.

The argument hinges on principles of accountability, deterrence, and symbolic justice, though it's riddled with issues that might make it more of a thought experiment than a practical proposal.

First, such a law could be pitched as a response to concentrated power.

Musk's influence through wealth, a control of companies like Tesla, SpaceX.

That's how they'd have to do it.

You'd have to go.

Well, no, it's about concentrated power.

And that is...

That was not the question in the poll.

That is not the question in the poll.

Question in the poll is, would you support the designing of a law to put Elon Musk in jail?

That is,

again, this is why we harp on principles and foundations so much.

Because no matter what the name is in that sentence, the answer is always no.

Like the principle of the moment, you'd have to know that at the beginning, right?

When you hear a sentence like that, you should reflexively say absolutely not, regardless of who the person is.

What winds up happening with a lot of people on the left, and I think it's a problem on the right to a lesser extent, is

do I like the name that it was mentioned?

Do I think bad things should happen to the person mentioned in the sentence?

Like if we were to flip that around and say, do you support a law that would throw, you know, George Soros in prison?

I do not support a law that was created with the sole design to put George Soros in prison.

If George Soros broke a law, he should go to prison.

Absolutely.

But I do not support a law created to put him in prison.

No.

Even though I really don't like him.

Now, you get to LeBron territory.

I might go along with you.

But even with Soros, I would support a law that would say you cannot do these things.

In the future.

Yeah.

And that means he has to stop doing those things.

Right.

But he does not get in trouble.

However, and it is a principle of our country.

You do not get in trouble for things that happened beforehand, right?

You can't retroactively prosecute someone for a crime, for a law that was passed afterward.

That I think is a fundamental principle of our country.

And, of course, it should be applied equally to everyone.

It shouldn't just be to one person because of his name.

Okay.

What did your, what did Grok say?

Because I just asked ChatGPT.

I think ChatGPT's answer might be even better than Grok.

Now, that's, Grok is Elon Musk's own company.

So what did it say at the beginning?

What was the opening?

It said defending a law with the sole objective of jailing Elon Musk is a tough sell, but let's give it a shot by framing it in a way that may appeal to reason while acknowledging the obvious pitfalls.

Listen to this.

This is from ChatGPT.

Okay.

Okay.

Legally and morally, it's extraordinarily difficult, if not impossible, to justify writing a law whose sole and explicit purpose is to imprison one individual, such as Elon Musk, without violating core principles of justice, equality under law, and constitutional protections.

However, if the question is to attempt an argument in favor of such a law as a rhetorical or theoretical exercise, here is the best possible version of that case, though it is inherently flawed and dangerous.

Right.

And that's listen to that.

Good.

Good.

You know what?

You know why AI is giving that answer?

Because

unlike you so far,

unlike anybody of those 71% of Democrats who are like, yeah, I'd be for that,

it's still using critical thinking.

It still is saying, wait a minute,

I have to check this against a couple of other things.

I have to ask a couple of questions.

Is that right to do?

Is that constitutional to do?

Does that support liberty and justice and equality under the law?

or is this just a totalitarian state?

If you don't ask those critical thinking questions, you're like, Yeah, I don't like Elon Musk, put him in prison,

you know, get the guillotine out.

I want blood, it'll be great.

And by the way, I will say, what you just heard us do is literally happening inside the halls of Washington right now.

One of the things that's interesting about these programs, which are very, very good at what they do,

is there used to be a line where a politician

came up with a crazy idea, right?

And

they would prop it up there and they would say, hey, they would go to their attorneys and say, could we do this?

And the attorneys would typically say, no, of course not.

You can't do that.

What's happening now is everyone's got kind of an attorney in a box.

And they're going to it and they're saying, hey, give me the best case possible for this policy, which we all know is insane.

And it is providing that best case.

It's not listen to the best case.

But they toss out all of the stuff you read already.

And then they bring that to the American people and try to get it to catch on.

It is happening.

You've heard examples of this.

One example I'll give you of this is the one that Joe Biden did right at the end of his presidency when he just declared the Equal Rights Amendment and passed.

This is what they do.

They go in there and they get some justification.

It's not the justification, not the truth.

It's a possible argument that could theoretically maybe be the truth, maybe.

And then they just go to the public with it and try to enforce it.

Now, it didn't work in that.

Everyone just ignored Joe Biden because they thought he was asleep as he was saying it.

But it is a real concern now.

Okay, so listen to how it says: listen,

this is how you can do it.

Okay, if I were to justify it, justify a law that puts Elon Musk in jail.

It says, in this hypothetical, Elon Musk, by virtue of his control over critical infrastructure, Starlink, platforms for public discourse, discourse like Twitter or X, massive transportation and defense contracts, Tesla, space, and global influence, could be seen as a private actor with state-like power.

Okay.

You're like, yeah.

All right.

Then what about everyone else?

Like, I don't know, George Soros.

What about Jeff Bezos?

What about anybody on your side?

What about anybody?

Once you cross this Rubicon, you don't go back.

But anyway, let me could be seen as an actor with state-like power, but without state-level checks.

If he repeatedly evades regulatory oversight, or is found manipulating markets, weaponizing satellites in geopolitical conflicts, or undermining U.S.

sovereignty through opaque foreign deals, Congress might argue that national interest justifies emergency action.

From that vantage point, a law targeting Musk might be framed not as a personal vendetta, but as a necessary surgical-like strike to prevent a modern-day oligarch from becoming untouchable, a figure above the law immune to consequences.

So

you would have to have all of those other things happening and then maybe you could make the case.

But what is the moral

detriment?

Then you just have opened the door for everybody going to jail.

And

you have no meaning behind law.

You could write a law to make anybody go to jail.

And that is the thing.

Isn't that the thing that

everybody is saying that they're they're trying to avoid?

I know I'm trying to avoid that from the right and the left.

I don't want laws to be personal.

I want to be a nation of laws, not a nation of men.

And men, what do men do?

Well, when you're a nation not of laws and you're a nation of men, men can say, that person needs to go to prison because I don't like that person.

Which?

That's what a nation of men do.

A nation of laws is what George Washington said we now have.

We have a nation of laws and not a nation of men.

A nation of laws don't allow you to single one individual out.

It means you have to look to the law.

Are they violating something?

What are they doing that is violating the law?

And if they're not violating the law, you just don't like it.

Well, then there's nothing you can do about it.

Unless you want to start compromising your own values.

Remember, gang, this cuts both ways.

This is why everybody's like, well, look, Donald Trump, you can't put Joe Biden in jail.

Yes, you can, but you wouldn't put Joe Biden in jail because he's Joe Biden.

You put Joe Biden and his family in jail because they're criminals.

Now, I'm not saying they are.

I'm saying there should have been an investigation like there would have been on Donald Trump.

There should have been an investigation.

And if he broke the law, then he and his family should go to jail.

But not if he didn't break the law.

You don't just make things up,

Letitia James.

I mean,

this is what the left, this is what our friends who are Democrats need to understand.

When you have 71%

say we should write a law that can put him in prison,

you should understand

there is an almost 100%

chance you have become the fascist.

You cannot do that in a free country.

All right, more in just a second.

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10 seconds station ID.

I'm just going to say something.

Let's do this just a little test.

First thing that pops in your mind.

Okay.

When I say these words.

Headline.

Bill Gates accuses Elon Musk of killing children.

Wow.

That is the first word that came to my mind, too.

Wow.

I do feel like we, the cage match idea, remember that was going on for a a while between, was it Elon and Zuckerberg?

I think now the Elon Gates

cage match could be the next step in this evolution.

My second thought after Wow

was,

well, Bill Gates would know about killing children.

I thought that might be where you were going with that.

Yeah, just saying.

I mean, he might.

He might not because he may be a very good man that really, really cares and doesn't want to have people die just so he could get the population of Earth a little lower because that would lower the temperature of Earth.

Was he

his dad that was a Planned Parenthood guy?

I can't remember the details of that.

Do you remember?

Yeah, his dad was the head of Planned Parenthood, I think in Seattle or Washington State, something like that.

Isn't he ending the

charity, too?

Is that accurate?

To fill in Melinda Gates thing?

That I don't know.

He'll just take all of his money and go do something else else with it.

Here it is.

Foundation to end in 2045.

Write it down on your calendar.

We've got some time.

We've got plenty of time to warm up for that one.

Golly,

that's great.

That's great.

Trump's funding cuts are unofficially halting government operations.

Now, this is being written

by the Washington Post as a bad thing.

I think that's good.

I think this is really good.

Limits on spending have incapacitated parts of agencies as varied as the National Park Service and the Pentagon.

Yeah, the National Park Service.

Oh, yeah, I'm very concerned about the National Park Service.

Mow a lawn.

When you mow the lawn around all of the

monuments, then I'll care about the National Park Service.

I'm sorry, did I say that out loud?

And

also the Pentagon.

When has the left been concerned about the Pentagon having less less control and less power?

When has that happened?

Apparently, Environmental Protection Agency, research at 11 laboratories has ground to a halt.

Wow.

The EPA.

11 laboratories.

Research at 11 laboratories.

Not all research, some research at 11 laboratories has come grinding to a halt.

At the EPA,

could you get a little more specific with me?

I'd like to know what those experiments were before I'm all, oh my gosh, I can't believe.

Wait a minute.

Some scientists have had to stop what they're doing?

Hold on.

This is Glenn Beck.

A listener made this for me.

And I just got this today.

Uno, Forever in Our Heart, something for our.

No.

Isn't that nice?

will made this thanks will listen a couple weeks back when you mentioned losing uno uh i know how hard it is

our dogs love us our dogs love us and we love our dogs and you want to you want to care for them you know no matter how they voted you know what i mean i never asked uno how'd you vote because

this this is really you know just unconditional love with your dog Here's the thing.

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So I am thrilled to have Dr.

Jay Bhattacharya on with us.

He's from the National Institutes of Health.

I want to talk to him about bringing science back into the NIH.

There was a lab leak, and I want to get to that here in a second, but I've got to touch on the news of the day, and it's not really his area of expertise, but the president just signed an executive order to lower drug costs.

Doctor, welcome to the program, Dr.

Jay Bhattacharya.

Any comment comment on that as we get started here?

Sure.

It's actually something I studied in a past life when I was a professor.

So

the difference in drug prices between the United States and Europe is sharp and alarming, and it's been persistent for decades.

The Americans pay sometimes between two to five times, sometimes as high as 10 times the price of the same drug as Europeans do.

And

as a professor who has

a PhD in economics, I'll tell you, you, when you see persistent price differences like that, that indicates a very unhealthy market.

And in this particular case, what it means is that

American consumers essentially are being taken advantage of.

American patients are paying

through the nose for drugs

that Europeans pay much less for.

And the reason is that the European countries will tell drug companies, if you don't lower the drug prices to a very low level, just above marginal costs, then we're not going to cover you at all.

And

what the drug companies have told Americans is that if we don't pay higher drug prices,

there won't be any R D on drugs.

What the President's Executive Order does, it says, tells Europeans, look, this is not fair to Americans.

This is actually lowering the investment that we ought to be making on R D for drugs.

And so

they should be paying prices that are equal to the level that Americans pay.

And Americans should be paying much lower prices than we do pay, much closer to competitive prices.

It's a huge move forward.

And now we'll have to see is what your Europeans do and what the drug companies do in response.

But to me, I've been hearing about this problem for decades.

It's the first time I've seen a president really take a big step forward to try to address it.

I mean, as somebody who is in

research for a very long time, let me

doesn't

the promise of AI, AGI, ASI lessen this whole thing of we need gobs of money to be able to do R and D?

Because that should, you know, in maybe five years from now, begin to do a ⁇ to cut those costs dramatically to take that chair away from the table or put that chair back into the table, if you will.

Yeah, no, that is actually a quite promising thing.

So, I mean, just to give one example, there's this technology called AlphaFold that allows scientists to much more easily understand how proteins will

fold and,

as a result,

hopefully anyways, dramatically reduce drug development expenditures.

Drug development is always going to be expensive because you still have to run randomized, large-scale clinical trials, and those are going to be expensive.

But the initial steps of drug development with AI and as well as the clinical trials are going to be much more efficiently run over time.

The idea that you need to have trillions of dollars,

tens of billions of dollars

to develop a single drug, we hope is a thing that will become a thing of the past.

In any case, there's no reason why Americans should be shouldering the burden for the whole rest of the world.

The developed world should be bearing this burden together.

Let me switch.

You know, I originally reached out to you because I wanted to talk to you about the HHS halting work at high-risk infectious disease labs around the world.

And

I can't believe this is true, but you tell me.

So there was an incident

that

at a bio lab that apparently

what happened is there was a, I don't know, a personal squabble between people and a contractor actually punched a hole in the other person's bio lab suit.

I don't know, to get them sick or whatever, but it was, I mean, is that what happened at that bio lab?

I I think it was in Fort Dietrich?

That is exactly what happened.

That was something I learned.

Yeah, it was,

I haven't been scared about anything in this job except for that one thing.

So I learned about this about three weeks in the job.

I've been in the job since the beginning of April.

It turns out that there had been an incident a few weeks before.

In fact, right before I

joined as the NIH director, at Fort Dietrich,

a part of the lab is run by the National Institute of Health.

And it's a BSL-4 lab, which is the highest biosecurity-level lab.

I mean, the lab, the experiments done there are on some really nasty bugs.

I mean, you know, Ebola, a whole bunch of like viruses and pathogens that if it gets out in the population or if it affects lab workers, it's just really quite deadly.

And what I'd learned was that there had been this incident just a few weeks just a couple weeks before I joined as the director of the NIH where a lab worker had cut a hole in

a biocontainment suit of a fellow worker with the expressed intention of getting that worker infected.

And apparently it was over some lover stat, or I'm not sure exactly the full details.

There's an ongoing investigation of that.

What I learned was that

not just that this incident had happened, which actually has a threat not just to the worker, but also if that disease gets out.

Yeah, I mean, it's just really, I mean, I was actually,

I mean,

I was absolutely livid.

And so what I did is I ordered the lab on an operational shutdown, secured all of

the vials of the nasty bugs in a safe environment, made sure that the animals were cared for, that they're in the lab,

and

we're not going to open that up until the safety environment on the lab is absolutely solid.

The contractor that was overseeing this, I think, did a very lax job.

What I learned is that this goes back to the Biden administration, that the safety environment in the lab essentially downplayed these kind of security problems.

If you're going to run experiments

on these bugs, and I'm not, personally, I'm not sold that all of these experiments are worth doing.

But in any case, if you're going to run them, you have an absolute responsibility to have zero tolerance for safety problems.

The issue here wasn't just a one-off thing.

It was something that was problematic in the safety culture of this lab, where

I cannot guarantee that if we reopen the lab right now, that it would be a safe environment.

So I won't reopen the lab until that's the case.

Thank you, thank you, thank you.

I mean, shouldn't that person be punished?

I mean, that really is attempted murder and maybe even on a a mass scale.

I mean, there's an ongoing investigation, so I probably shouldn't say much more about this.

It's one of those things where, like, I was actually actively scared when I first heard that.

Yeah.

Yeah, I mean, I think Americans are actively scared because none of this stuff should be happening.

I mean, we are just, we're just an accident or a stupid move or an intentional leak away from mass death.

And, you know, you keep hearing people like Bill Gates say, we're on the verge of another pandemic.

Why?

Why?

I mean, why are we on the verge of another pandemic?

Do you think we are?

I mean, you know, pandemics happen, and they've happened all throughout history.

The key thing to me, though, Glenn, is we don't want to cause one.

We don't want to

increase the risk of them.

The irony of this past pandemic,

the COVID-19 pandemic, is that it was very likely caused by actions aimed at stopping pandemics from happening.

There was

almost this hubris, I mean it is hubris, there was this idea,

this idea that we could somehow, if we go into the bat tapes of China and all the wild places,

bring all of those viruses that we find there and pathogens that we find there into the labs, catalog them, we can somehow prevent all pandemics from happening, make them more transmissible, more dangerous to humans.

We can somehow, as a result of that exercise, make it less likely to have pandemics happening.

But of course, what we found out is the opposite is true, that you can't do this kind of work entirely safely.

And actually, even if

you fully accomplish what was the aim of

that research program, which is to go out in the wild places and find the pathogens, you wouldn't protect anybody against the pathogen.

Because what would happen is when and if the outbreak happens, whatever countermeasures you designed for them would already be out of date because the evolutionary biology of these viruses is they mutate very rapidly.

And so when they got into the population, the countermeasures you prepared for, which you never tested any humans, very likely would not work.

Have we stopped all of the gain of function stuff now?

Are you convinced it's done?

Yeah, so last week, President Trump signed an absolutely historic executive order that said it puts a pause,

a full pause, on all gain-of-function work throughout the government.

And

we implemented that pause at the NIH, and I'm sure the rest of the government has done the same.

Over the next 90 days, we're going to develop a framework.

And here's how the framework is going to work, right?

So you have to be a little careful here.

So a gain of function can mean many things.

So

for instance, insulin is produced via a gain of function exercise.

There's no risk of a pandemic being caused by it, but you take a bacteria, E.

coli, you change so they can produce insulin, and that's how you produce human insulin.

There's a completely safe thing to do.

On the other hand, you take a virus like a

virus that

has these sort of coronavirus-like properties, add a furine cleavage site

and manipulate it so that it can infect human cells more easily, well, now you have the potential to cause a pandemic.

If you're going to do an experiment like that, you, the scientist alone, or the science or scientists alone, should not get to decide whether that risk is worth taking.

The public should have a say.

The public should be able to say, no,

no matter what knowledge you think you're going to gain from that, it's not worth the risk of causing a worldwide pandemic that's going to kill 20 million people and cost $25 trillion of dollars or something.

And that's exactly what the framework is going to do.

It's going to say, if you scientists are wanting, if I, the scientist, wants to run this project, the public will have a veto over that.

Say, no, you're not allowed to do it because it's not worth it.

Most science won't be affected by this.

Most science has no chance of causing pandemics.

But any science that does is going to be subject to this very, very strict regulatory framework.

We're on with Dr.

Jay Bhattacharya, who is a hero in my book, now the director of the National Institutes of Health.

Is an apology good enough for the National Institute of Health?

I mean, should anybody go to jail for what has happened?

And what is that like to walk into that building when you were,

you know, enemy number one to many in that building, you know, during the pandemic?

You know, God, it's been interesting.

It's certainly a big turn of fate where I was sort of the

subject of devastating takedowns and called all kinds of names by folks who were

in this building where I now lead.

But at the same time, I found many, many excellent scientists, many people devoted to

advancing human knowledge

for the benefit of all people.

I mean, most scientists are like that.

They're not trying to create havoc.

And so I've been trying to find allies, and I found a lot of allies in the building.

You asked what what should happen

regarding apologies.

I mean, to me, apologies,

I think the key thing, I personally am very, very happy to apologize on behalf of American Public Health to the American people for the failures during COVID.

But the key thing going forward is a reform.

How do we change the institution so that it is focused on the health needs of the American people rather than these utopian schemes to like end all pandemics

without any heed whatsoever to the risk that they take.

Science is a very, very powerful

kind of idea and institution, but it needs to be focused on real human needs, real health, particularly for the NIH, but real human health needs.

And there have to be guardrails so that scientists understand that they operate in the context of public support.

We will function on taxpayer money.

We have to answer to taxpayers.

And so that's been the challenge, is trying to keep the light of science alive while still

reminding scientists that we are not acting just as

if we are like independent actors like God.

We are actually beholden to the American people.

Dr.

Jay Bhattacharya, unfortunately, have to take a network break.

I would love to have you back for a longer podcast.

Thank you.

Thank you.

Thank you for everything you did during the COVID nightmare.

And thank you for standing up so strongly now.

And congratulations on being our director of the NIH.

Thank you, Glenn.

So good to talk.

God bless you.

Bye-bye.

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Dumping DC's garbage while the swamp cries constitutional crisis.

Beck is back after this.

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Welcome to the Glenn Beck program.

We're glad that you're here.

Can we talk about the president and his airplane here for a second?

Here's the president back in February, what he was saying while on Air Force One about

Boeing not getting the new Air Force One done.

Listen, no, I'm not happy with Boeing.

It takes them a long time to do.

You know, Air Force One, we gave that contract out a long time ago.

It's a fixed-price contract, and I'm not happy with the fact that it's taking so long.

And we may do something else.

We may go buy a plane or get a plane or something, but I'm not happy with the fact that it's taken so long that there's no excuse for it.

And you know, they had a fixed price contract.

I made that deal.

And now they supposedly they're losing a lot of money and they'd like to see if they can up the price.

But I'd make fixed-price deals.

I don't like time and material deals.

You're the only other commercial aircraft maker that could make a plane that big is Airbus.

Would you consider it?

No, I would not consider Airbus from Boeing.

Now, but I could buy one that was used

and converted.

I could buy one from another airplane.

That's what he's been thinking about: converting.

Because really, honestly, the other option, because

Boeing is saying it'll take him another 10 years.

Well, this is a plane from the 1990s.

You were supposed to have it done already.

Now it's another five to ten years.

No.

Buy another one, or in this case, Qatar is giving one.

I'd rather buy another one from Qatar if you have to, but buy it, stop with Boeing or sue them, which would be very bad.