Best of the Program | Guests: Harmeet Dhillon & Bill Essayli | 5/24/24
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on today, on today's podcast.
We have, I mean, it is a great, great podcast today.
We have Harmeet Dylan on to talk to us, not only give us some good news, something that Nancy Pelosi did to our country and to our capital after January 6th, it's now been reversed,
and it's really an important one.
We have a California State Assemblyman who really will define
how depraved the assemblymen who are Democrats in California are.
They, every single one of them, voted to
block the sanctuary state protection for illegal aliens who are pedophiles committing sex crimes against minors.
How does that even happen?
Also, we have, I mean, somebody that I probably just gushed over, Nellie Bowles, she is the wife of Barry Weiss.
I just think the two of them have done so much for our country and have been so brave.
She defines progressivism
and what a progressive is, and it
is shocking coming from somebody who worked at the New York Times and has won all kinds of awards.
You don't want to miss that, as well as the Plau Schwab interview, all all on today's podcast, and here it comes.
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Let's say hello to Harmeed Dylan.
She's from the founder and CEO of the Center for American Liberty, also a civil rights attorney.
Welcome, Harmeed.
How are you?
I'm great.
Thanks for having me, Glenn.
You bet.
First of all, let's start with some good news.
Federal court has made a ruling that has overturned what Nancy Pelosi put in.
Tell me the story.
Maybe I'm on the
maybe I'm not.
The federal court with the allowing prayer on the steps of the Capitol, wasn't that a Nancy Pelosi?
Yeah, absolutely.
So
the federal court, after three years of litigation, has ruled that in our lawsuit on behalf of Reverend Patrick Mahoney,
that the ban on prayer
in the Capitol perimeter has been is unconstitutional and needs to be permanently enjoined.
Now, when we had the
perimeter put up around the Capitol at Nancy Pelosi's orders,
that prevented people from praying in what was typically known as
a public area for prayer, for demonstration, et cetera.
So that perimeter barred Reverend Patrick Mahoney, who has come many times to D.C.
to
pray for the country, pray for the troops, pray for the people who need salvation, which, as we all know, definitely D.C.
is the hottest, hottest concentration of those people who need that prayer.
Oh, I thought you were going to say hottest, hottest ring of hell, but I think that's the only thing that's happening.
There was that too.
But what's striking, Glenn, is at the same time, members of Congress had actually been allowed throughout this last three years to hold demonstrations there.
So for example, Corey Bush has had sit-ins there to protest the police and to cut for a call for cutting police funding.
And so
well, wait, wait, wait, wait.
I'm sure I understand that.
So you couldn't organize one as a private individual, but if a congressman or a senator wanted to organize a group of people to come and protest, that could happen.
That's correct.
Unbelievable.
And so, you know, but this just smacks of what all of us have experienced as citizens, which is that
there's one set of rules for the elites, and they can do whatever they want, including on our people's house.
And we can't access it for purposes that are protected by the First Amendment.
So we filed this lawsuit after Reverend Mahoney was barred from praying there on the Capitol steps, something that he's done many times over the years.
And then the court denied it time after time after time.
And finally,
last week, we got this positive ruling with a permanent injunction saying that the ban on prayer on the Capitol Steps was unconstitutional.
And it doesn't just benefit our client.
It benefits all Americans who want to access these traditional First Amendment forums.
So for me,
we can protest on those, peacefully protest as well on those steps?
Yes.
You have to get a permit,
which is appropriate in a mixed-use area like that.
We have to let the people in Congress also access the steps.
But it is no longer going to be the case that members of Congress can have die-ins and sit-ins and lyings there while the rest of us have to just stand outside the fence with our noses pressed against it.
So though it's a district, a DC federal court?
Yes, that's right.
And it's one of those same judges who's repeatedly ruled against the
January 6th folks and, you know, kind of been we we had three years of negative rulings from this judge, and then boom, on our motion for summary judgment, we did win it.
So really proud of that victory.
And do you think it'll go to the Supreme Court?
There is a chance that the Capitol Police will appeal it to the D.C.
Circuit.
And so the D.C.
Circuit would be the first court to rule on it if they do that.
And,
you know, the judge, however, has left very little room for any argument on the First Amendment.
He cited, and I don't, you know, it took us three years to get there with him.
I don't think it's a ruling that's capable of much attempting to be frank.
But yes, it is possible that it goes to the Supreme Court if
one of the parties isn't satisfied with how the D.C.
Circuit rules if there's an appeal.
Harmee, let me we're talking to Harmeet Dillon.
She's with Liberty Center.
LibertyCenter.org is the website you can go to.
They do a lot of great work, and I know would appreciate your support.
But
Harmie,
tell me what you think is coming in the Donald Trump trials.
I know it has now been indefinitely suspended down in Florida, I think officially yesterday or the day before.
The case in New York is
just sheer craziness.
I talked to Alan Dershowitz yesterday and what he has seen.
I mean I'm hoping there's at least one person on the jury that just won't give and say, I'm not playing this game.
But what do you think is going to happen to all of these court cases?
So it looks like the New York case is the only case that's going to go to a jury verdict before the 2024 election,
starting with Florida.
I think the judge has actually flipped the tables and has actually put the prosecutor on trial at this point.
You know, they're effectively asking Jack Smith's team to account for evidence tampering and
bias and selective prosecution.
And this is, I think, the best possible way a case like that could go.
And it's appropriate because far too often, Glenn, in our country,
I'm obviously in favor of law enforcement, but I'm also before that, in favor of the Constitution.
Far too often, what we see here in this country is selective prosecution because lazy lawmakers put too many laws on the books and there's no other
you know, that's what happens when people have so much power and there's no check on it other than the courts.
And so, you rarely see a judge step up and call to account some of these things.
I've seen selective prosecution in prone-life cases where I represent
protesters and journalists who are exposing it.
I've seen it in other cases like this.
We've all seen it.
And so, it's wonderful to see that.
In
D.C.,
the special counsel's case is likely to have a wrench thrown in it by the Supreme Court over the issue of qualified immunity.
And I think the most likely outcome there in the case is for the court to send it back down to lower courts, either the D.C.
Circuit Court or the trial court in D.C.,
and have them make findings about which of the allegations against President Trump in that case, having to do with
the January 6th issues, concern his conduct as the President of the United States, which is, in my opinion, most, if not all, of his actions that are alleged, or candidate Trump.
And so that's the same rule that actually was established by the D.C.
Circuit Court in a case that
I'm handling for President Trump involving civil lawsuits by other members of Congress and Capitol Police.
And then we have this case in New York, which is absolute miscarriage of justice from beginning to end, starting with selective prosecution.
He's being prosecuted for crimes that nobody is prosecuted for, particularly.
But wait, wait, wait.
But it's a crime that's people for anything.
It's not a crime that people aren't prosecuted for.
I believe, didn't the FEC say it's not a crime?
Well, yeah, I was going to get to that.
Oh, okay.
The paperwork part, there's two parts of the supposed crime.
We don't know what one part is because they haven't really laid it out.
But the other part is writing, you know, someone, bookkeeper, whoever makes records, writing down legal expenses in the wrong column.
That's a misdemeanor.
And it's also
beyond the statute of limitations.
Okay, so that's two strikes against that claim.
They've tried to resurrect that into a live claim by saying that it's in furtherance of some other crime.
They've been
jumping around as to what that other crime is.
Michael Cohen, their star witness, alleged that the crime was trying to affect the outcome of the election and making it a campaign finance expenditure.
However, campaign finance experts, I've got
two partners at my firm who worked at the FEC, campaign finance experts, all of them will tell you it is not a crime to make an expenditure that benefits you personally.
And there's no question about that.
They didn't allow that expert to say that, though, did they?
They didn't allow the expert to say that.
That's correct.
That was one of the judge's early rulings.
And when the expert was finally allowed to testify, the judge again limited him to not being able to talk about the federal election law.
So the Trump campaign decided not to call him after all, because he was basically gagged to the point of not being able to testify on anything.
And then you get to
this
series of rulings by this judge, starting with not recusing himself as is required by New York law when his daughter has a financial interest in the outcome of the case, starting with excluding pro-Trump people from the jury, like Orthodox Jews, by insisting on holding court on Fridays when most courts do not meet and have jury sessions on Fridays, excluding witnesses, refusing to throw out charges, excluding evidence, allowing the other side to badger and bring in evidence and stack the jury their and their side.
So there have been a number of, I would say almost on a daily basis, the judge has made rulings that are susceptible to reversal on appeal,
including clearing the courtroom and scolding witnesses for President Trump.
I mean, there wasn't a day that I didn't just shock the conscience for me as a lawyer in the conduct of this trial.
And so what we hope for, Glenn, just as you said, is a single juror or two jurors or three jurors who refuse to go along with this railroading of President Trump.
And that would result in a mistrial, a hung jury.
And then it would be possible for them to try to retry him.
But
I just think it's, and by the way, if the judge properly charges the jury and allows them to go for the misdemeanor only, then he has to dismiss that at the end of the case because it's beyond the statute of limitations.
So,
you know, that case is falling apart.
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To hear more of this interview, find the full episode wherever you get podcasts.
Nellie Bowles,
she is a writer living now in Los Angeles.
She has won the Gerald Loeb Award in Investigations, the Robert F.
Kennedy Human Rights Journalist Award.
She is also the wife of Barry Weiss, and the two of them are building the Free Press, a new media company, which is has dramatically changed the scene of journalism.
And I think in many ways brought journalism some hope that maybe truth can return.
Nellie, welcome to the program.
Thank you so much for having me.
This introduction is way too kind.
Thank you so much for having me.
It's a pleasure to be on.
Thank you.
I honestly, this is the first time we've spoken.
I don't know how you or
how you feel about me or whatever, and it it doesn't matter.
I just want you to know how much I respect you and Barry.
You are truly making a difference.
Thank you so much.
And I listen to and very much enjoy your work
quite often.
So
that's how I feel.
Thank you.
So, Nellie,
your book, and I just said this to Stu off air,
your book is one that I, I don't know if you know this, but I collect American history and I'm trying to preserve both the good and the bad in case it ever is lost or destroyed.
And I have the third largest collection behind the National Archives and the Library of Congress.
And
your book is going to be put into our vault because I read something somewhere that said that
your book
preserves this moment in amber.
And it's true.
You've come from,
quite honestly, I hope I'm describing this right, kind of enjoying canceling people because it was the thing to do to now looking at things saying, we are way off track.
Yeah, well,
the book is a little bit about my journey from being basically a very good progressive, a
reporter at the New York Times doing features, a member of the progressive movement in many ways.
And
it follows
me first being kind of ousted from the Times or finding it impossible to report on the most interesting stories of the day when there was basically a media blackout in 2020 and 2021 of anything interesting, of Antifa taking over American city neighborhoods, of,
you know, you name it, we couldn't write about it.
And
as I start reporting on that, and as I start getting interested in that, the movement sort of says, you can't be part of us
if you want to be interested in that stuff.
And yeah, there's a chapter where I describe canceling someone, canceling a friend.
And
yeah, I don't think I come off as a hero in the book or as a heroic figure.
I definitely don't.
And
you come off as a human being and honest.
I so admire people who
risk everything
knowingly, knowingly, go out and say, you know what, I've changed, and I don't care if anybody believes me or not, but I can't live this way anymore.
And I don't think it's right.
And if nobody likes me, then nobody likes me.
And that's usually where gigantic success comes and where heroes begin.
Well, I
that's very fun.
Sorry.
Sorry, just being honest with you,
but I'm blushing.
Yeah, I mean, with the canceling, I was thinking, I want to do a chapter about cancel culture.
I want to report on how this works.
And I was looking for some, you know, I'm a features reporter, done investigations.
I was looking for someone to profile to do this.
And I was thinking, you know what, the most honest thing is to write about when I was part of this and when I did one of these and
the feeling of it and the feeling of the pleasure of it and the
I wanted to write something that wasn't a flat
that wasn't a flattening description of what it is to be part of that movement and part of canceling someone because it's not just about rage.
It's also about loving your friends and it's the feeling of community and all of these things that make it complicated.
And so I ended up just writing about that.
And then sort of the day that I didn't cancel someone, didn't cancel a friend, was the day that
my time within the movement kind of abruptly ended.
Because
being part of those mobs, we see them a little less frequently now, but being part of those mobs was a very important part of being with the new progressive moment and the new progressive movement.
So
you're right on saying that we're seeing maybe less.
I think we're seeing some of the stuff with the Palestinian movement.
And I think in this next election, I hope and pray both sides will be reasonable and rational, but there are those who want to destroy the Republic.
We are seeing less of it.
And I think it's this
culture of,
I hope, hating each other and
just destroying one another.
It seems to be be fading and people seem to be waking up to common sense.
But
I know you agree.
It's not happening necessarily on the upper levels.
Yeah, I think that there's two things with that.
I think in part we're seeing the revolution has definitely quieted down.
We're not seeing the BLM
protests slash riots in the streets anymore.
It's definitely quieter.
But I think in part that's because of the success of the revolution.
I think it has has so woven into our institutions and into
our universities, our newsrooms, our sense-making institutions, that it doesn't need to be as loud.
It doesn't need to announce itself.
And actually, it's beneficial to say
it's over now.
It's all really quiet.
Nothing changed.
There's no, it's very beneficial to the movement to sort of pretend like it never even really happened.
And so I think that's happening.
A lot has changed.
Well, yeah.
Don't you think?
I mean, when you mentioned the universities in media, we were just talking about this earlier.
Media is activism now.
That's what a journalist is and being taught in many schools, that you're an activist,
that
you're fighting for a side.
No, a journalist is supposed to, A, be curious and not, I believe, not walk in with this is the story I'm going to get.
Walk in maybe saying this is a story i think i'm going to get but be open to holy cow that's not the story at all and i don't think that happens very often
maintaining your curiosity i mean it's the it's the biggest challenge and the most important thing for a journalist to have is curiosity and it actually takes a lot for
people who are by nature are curious.
The average journalist is a curious person who wants to learn about the world.
It takes a lot to tell that person, put on blinders.
Don't look at what's happening around you.
Don't look into COVID's origins, for example.
There was a media blackout on that for years.
That was the most interesting story.
I mean, in the COVID pandemic, to think
you shouldn't look into the origins.
It takes a lot.
And that's where you have to see the success of the movement, because it's like, oh my gosh, this thing really
won
a lot of ways.
It took Americans, America's best reporters and made them scared to write about the most interesting stories.
It's amazing.
So what
is going to, you know, you say that this is a human condition, you know, we're monkeys.
What stops us from being monkeys?
What is it that
I think liberalism, like broadly speaking, not conservative liberal, but liberalism
is the hardest thing.
Constitutional living.
Yeah,
being friends with people who disagree with you and having dinner with them and being curious to things that might
not help your political party.
Like these are really challenging things.
And I think we're backsliding a little into
what is one part of human nature, which is tribalism, which is
shouting and the threats of violence.
And I mean, you see it in the protests now with people chanting, Intifada revolution, there's only one solution.
I mean, these are calls for violence.
And that's human nature.
The very hard thing is to maintain what we used to see on college campuses, where it was sort of
peaceful protests and
people disagreeing and talking in normal ways.
That's really hard.
I don't think the universities or our schools, though, encourage that.
You can't politely disagree.
kids and conservatives in school all the time that are, you know, I say this, but I believe this, otherwise I'm out.
And this, what's really truly frightening is what's happening in our medical schools.
Oh man, did you read that?
Yeah.
Yeah.
It is terrifying what is happening.
I mean,
this is what happened in the 1920s and 30s in places like Germany and even here in America with our sterilization.
You cannot do that in medicine.
Well, the movement has very effectively, and I write about this in a couple of chapters, about how the movement has taken concepts like merit or individualism or hard work and turned those into inherently racist concepts is the idea of what they'd say.
And
it's a very bizarre thing to say that, right?
Like that
individualism and merit are not racist ideas.
And it's actually sort of racist to say that they are.
These aren't like white ideas.
That's a sort of racist thing to argue, but that is what the modern progressive has been arguing and very successfully.
And so you saw, I have a chapter about San Francisco in the book, and you saw in San Francisco the
banning of eighth-grade algebra, the sort of accelerated math, because to offer accelerated math to public school kids was to be racist.
And that makes no sense.
Like, if we just are honest and take it at face value, that's ridiculous.
And
now we're seeing that ideology, not just, obviously, San Francisco's five years ahead of the rest of the country, but we're seeing that now basically in all of our institutions, including, yeah, medical schools.
And the idea that the MCAT is not the be-all and end-all.
And that, in fact, maybe the MCAT should be the third thing on the list that we look at.
Like, maybe the fourth thing.
And that's a really strange
moment we're in.
And I don't even think it's purely racial.
It's not as though it's that
there's just a preference for racial minorities.
And it's the interesting thing about particularly the Free Beacon story is I think a lot of it is just ideological.
It's who writes the best DEI statement?
Who writes the best?
Because the racial demographics, it's not like they're changing that dramatically.
A little bit.
It's for sure like anti-Asian discrimination is something that you can track.
But it's mostly that all of a sudden ideology has become
like the most important thing on your application.
I hate to say it like this, but
I think it's true.
Just as rape is not about sex,
the cries of racism most times are not really about race.
It's about power.
Exactly.
Nellie Bowles is with us.
The name of her book, well worth a read, is Morning After the Revolution.
You're listening to the best of Glenn Beck.
Check out the full show podcast to listen to the rest of this interview.
We have
Bill Azaley on with us.
He's been on with us before.
He's a California State Assemblyman.
He's a Republican.
And he put something up that he knew didn't have a chance to survive, I believe.
However,
he wanted everyone to see that every single Democrat in the California House
would vote against his bill.
And I'm going to
let him tell what the bill was.
It just failed this week.
Bill, welcome to the program.
Hi, Glenn.
Thank you for having me.
Yeah, so I put this bill up.
First of all, it was inspired by two specific cases that we had coming out of the state of California.
One, Bill Maluchin reported, Colombian illegal immigrant raped a 14-year-old girl, went to prison in California.
ICE wanted him.
They wanted him immediately after his sentence so they could deport him.
Under California law or sanctuary state law, it is illegal for the sheriff or any law enforcement official to honor an ICE request or to cooperate in any way with immigration officials.
So they put him back in the streets.
And he was picked up later in Boston, Massachusetts, where they eventually deported him.
And that's...
what first inspired this bill.
I said, why does the state of California's laws protect pedophiles?
Why would we do this?
So that's when I wrote the law.
It's very specific.
All the law says is we're rolling back Sanctuary State as it applies to child sex offenders.
If you've been convicted of committing
a sex offense against a minor, you are required to comply with immigration official orders.
So
it doesn't open up Sanctuary State for anything else other than convicted pedophiles.
Yes, and that was by design.
Of course, if I was running a place, I'd reverse the whole policy.
But I said, you know what?
We're only 18 out of 80 in here.
We're not controlling policy.
Let's get them on record.
Let's expose the Democrat Party for who they are.
And I knew that putting this up, they would vote it down.
And then we could show the public.
They are more concerned about protecting illegal immigrant pedophiles than they are about doing the right thing and protecting American citizens.
That's who these people are.
So I have to tell you, people have started calling me.
They do not believe this.
Like, it's almost so crazy, people don't believe it.
That's where we are.
And then, just last week, Glenn, we had a guy, a legal immigrant, found he had a rape van driving up and down the streets of LA, picking up women and young children and raping them in a van.
He's an illegal immigrant, and he is currently protected under our state laws from deportation.
We will not deport him from California.
You know, I've
California has just become depraved.
Hollywood is a big source of this, to where
it is honestly depraved and evil, what's going on.
And when you have
a whole bunch of representatives of the people and they won't deport
convicted pedophiles and cooperate with the federal government to get them out of the state, we're not talking about anything else.
I'd like to evict all of them, but pedophiles.
What are the voters
saying?
Is there any uproar about this at all in California?
Well, the problem with California, Glenn, is there's so many bad policies, so many bad bills.
We voted on hundreds of bills just this week.
It's hard for people to even keep up with what's happening.
So that is why I've tried to concentrate.
Let's just focus on one issue, just one.
Let's focus on this.
And luckily, thanks to to you, thanks to other media outlets, they are covering this issue now, and people are being waking up to it.
But if you watch the video of when I forced the vote on the floor, they wouldn't even let me describe the bill.
As soon as I said this bill would roll back Sanctuary State for pedophiles, they cut my microphone off.
It's like they don't even want the public to know what they're doing up there.
That is, when they talk about democracy, show them that video.
That's the Democrat version of democracy.
Oh, I have to get that video.
We will play that video.
Bowie, one of our producers, if you can find that video, is it on your website or anywhere?
What would we look for?
It's on our Twitter.
You can see it on our Twitter.
We put the video up.
And what's your Twitter handle here?
It's at Bill Asaley.
Okay.
We'll expose that and I'll retweet that.
That's horrific.
It is
the only way to describe what is happening is
true evil, and then those who are intentionally blinding themselves because it's too horrific to look at, and they don't want to believe their side is truly that evil.
Yeah, that's 100% right.
And you know what I take away what's going on?
I mean, I'm served with these people every day in the Capitol.
We did this vote unfazed, cavalier.
it's just another thing on the day and they just resume walking around they don't give a damn they just don't it is all about party and politics and you know the reason they voted against it they didn't I bet you some of them did not even know what they're voting of just because I'm a Republican and I proposed a motion by instinct they just voted down without consideration that
did you have
any Democrat come to you in quiet and say
look bill I I understand what you're doing, and you know, this is sick, but it will open up the door to all other things.
Did you get anybody to privately say that to you?
No.
In fact, I get disdain and looks, and why are you doing this?
And
they get mad at me for forcing the issue.
That's the response I get from the Democrat colleagues.
And I'll be honest,
not on this one, but when I do similar things, I'll be honest with you, Glenn, I get some pushback from my own side because we have weak Republicans, too, who are trying to do deals or pass something.
And why are you making them mad?
We have to work with them.
I'm not working with these people.
I will not work with these people.
I'm here to defeat these people, not to work with these people.
And we have to wake up on what a real opposition party looks like in this country.
We have controlled opposition in our party, and I'm not about that.
Where are you from in California?
Is your seat safe?
I'm from Riverside County.
I was born and raised here in Southern California.
My parents are immigrants from Lebanon, and I love this country, and I love this state, and I'm not willing to give up on it.
I hope your seat is safe because you are a crusader, and we need those.
I don't know if you saw what Tim Scott said this week.
Did you read his?
I didn't.
You did or didn't?
I didn't.
I've been stuck, locked up in the Capitol.
I know, I know.
He said, because he put his hat in the ring to run for
the head of the Senate for the Republicans.
And he said, no more working together.
This cannot be done.
He said, it is time for a sea change of the Republicans or we will not save the Republic.
And you sound very much like him, and I agree 100%.
Thank you, Bill.
I think there's a new type of conservatism rising, Quentin.
I think
it's going to be the generation.
Define it.
I think the new form of conservatism is, like what you said, understanding what the principles of this country are, what the republic is, what a constitutional republic is, what limited power is, and then going into government as for service, service to others, not service to yourself.
And that's what I see a lot with politics.
It should not be a lifelong career.
You go there to represent the people and check the power of the government and check the power of the other parties.
And I don't think that that has been the stance of the Republican Party.
It has been to do the work of the donors or do the work of big business, not the work of the people.
Every day up there going, I'll tell you, it's not easy.
You're surrounded by lobbyists and big business and big money, and you forget who you are.
You forget what your purpose is.
And a lot of times
I'm the guy not liked in the room because I'm the one standing up for everyone who's not there, the public.
When everyone's pressuring you to do the wrong thing, it's not easy, but we need people with the right character in public office.
And so if you're listening, I would say, please run.
If you've accomplished something in your life, you have good character, you raised a family, run for office.
I see, Glenn, up here, it is staffers, it's interns who become staffers who then run for office, or activists, or Marxists.
I don't see normal everyday people running for office anymore, and I think that's a mistake.
Yeah, I know in Utah, I talked to some people, and they said they're now, the lobbyists are now
running just to muck things up to get the weaklings in.
It's just disgusting what's happening.
Bill, thank you very much for everything you're doing.
Appreciate it.
Keep checking in with us.
Thank you, Gwen.
You bet.
God bless.
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