A Lot To Be Learned | Guests: Abby Johnson, Andy Ngo, & Charlie Kirk | 7/3/19

Thank you very much.

Appreciate it.

A lot of things to cover.

We have some things for Independence Day and things that I think we should remember, including our founding documents.

We'll go into here in just a second.

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The fusion

of entertainment and enlightenment.

There is a lot to be learned by just reading and understanding the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, the Gettysburg Address.

It all kind of comes together when you read and understand those documents, but so few of us do.

I want to go over them this day before Independence Day, Independence Eve, if you will.

I want to...

I want you to really hear

what brave men did

when they sat in a darkened room and scratched on lambskin

an idea that had never

been fully throated before, never had been said out loud in a serious way that yes, we're going to do this.

It was an idea that changed the world.

We'll begin there in one minute.

This is the Glenbeck program.

So here it is.

This is not the time just for cookouts and fireworks and long summer nights.

Yes, that is true.

But this Independence Day, it's time to remember the incredible sacrifice our forefathers made for this country.

I am proud to be an American.

I am at times embarrassed to be an American, but that's what it is.

America is nothing but a collection of human beings.

And we're all supposedly struggling for the same idea, that we want to create a land that is

free, where people can pursue their own happiness,

and there is liberty, and nobody can take away your life.

And we have certain rights that are enshrined.

And one of those rights is to have a gun.

A lot of people don't like that.

But you know what?

A lot of people

didn't like the idea that the African American could be free.

We have a constitutional guaranteed right

for that.

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these are rights that can't be changed.

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We have been done such a great disservice by our educational system

because it does not teach the principles of our country.

In fact, it maligns them and

undermines them every step of the way.

It teaches our children and it taught many of us

things that just are not true or they admitted.

There is the sin of omission.

For my whole life,

I've wondered how could Thomas Jefferson, and this is one of the reasons why he's called the American American Sphinx, how could Thomas Jefferson write the words

that we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal and then

have slaves?

Well, part of that is

understandable

by saying, well, in his day,

not everybody was considered equal or even men.

And it got worse after Origin of the Species.

Origin of the Species,

the subtitle is something along the lines.

I wish I would have written it down so I had it here.

Something along the lines of

origin of the species or survival of the superior races.

Oh,

okay.

Thank you.

Now science was brought into it.

No, no, no.

These are superior races.

The Africans just aren't fully baked, I guess.

They haven't evolved.

That's why you have the image of the African as a monkey.

Because Origin of the Species basically said that.

So once you get the science of the modern world

and the progressives that know oh so much about the modern world,

you start to mix science with the desires of some evil men, and this whole thing is torn apart.

But our founders,

I should say, ten out of the 13 colonies, ten out of the thirteen colonies.

They knew it.

They wanted to abolish slavery.

Thomas Jefferson knew it.

But before they even uttered a word about what they were going to write down on this declaration, to send to the king

john hancock came up and said you know the king is

is going to separate us he's going to try he's

he's got power he has money he has agents everywhere he will find the things that we disagree on and he will separate us and if we are not locked in arms if there isn't if we aren't agreed on every single principle he will separate us And he will use those people.

He will peel them away one by one.

He'll turn us against each other, and then we're done.

So before we even begin to write, let us vote.

Should everything in this document be unanimous?

Everybody said yes.

They all knew.

We know today.

If you're not in lockstep on everything,

they're going to peel you apart.

But in the first draft, in the usurptation section, where they're talking about the crimes of the king, a section that nobody reads,

in the first draft, there was something that Thomas Jefferson himself wrote.

And if you look at his draft, even his writing changes.

He defines men.

Yes,

Africans, slaves are men.

I want you to hear the Declaration of Independence.

I want you to listen to it, including the usurptations.

And I want to add in

the one thing that three colonies, North and South Carolina and Georgia, voted no on.

But I want you to hear the intent of our founders, including Thomas Jefferson, and the ten other states that voted yes.

You won't have a hard time picking it out.

Most of the things are one or two lines that the king has done.

This is a full paragraph.

Again, that's why, at the very beginning of the Declaration of Independence, it says in Congress July 4th, 1776,

the unanimous declaration of the 13 United States.

When,

in the course of human events,

it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with one another

and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal stations to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them.

A decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We

hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.

and that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.

And among these are

life,

liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.

That when any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and to institute a new government laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to affect their safety and happiness.

Prudence indeed would dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes.

And accordingly, all experience has shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.

But when a long train of abuses and usurtations, pursuing invariable the same object, invinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government and provide new guards for their future security.

Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies.

And such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government.

The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having a direct object-the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states.

And to prove this,

let facts be submitted to a candid world.

This king has refused to assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his assent should be obtained.

And when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant

for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He's refused for a long time after such dissolutions to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations thither, and raising the conditions of new appropriation of lands.

He's affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.

He's combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation, for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us, for protecting them by mock trial from a punishment of any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states, for cutting off all of our trade with parts of the world, for imposing taxes on us without consent, for depriving us, in many cases, of the benefit of trial by jury, for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses, for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for inducing the same absolute rule into these colonies,

for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of government.

He has plundered our seas, he has ravaged our coasts, he has burnt our towns, and he has destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny already begun with the circumstances of cruelty unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has incited treasonable insurrections in our fellow subjects with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of

our property.

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself,

violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither.

This

warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of a Christian king of Great Britain, determined to keep an open market where men should be bought and sold.

He has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this commerce.

And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them by murdering the people upon whom he has also obtruded them.

Thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people with crimes in which he urges them to commit against the lives of another.

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in most humble terms, and our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury.

A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a man to be free.

Future ages will scarcely believe the hardiness of one man.

We have not been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren.

We have warned them from time to time of the attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.

We have reminded them of the circumstances of our immigration and settlement here.

We have appealed to their native justice and magnimity.

We have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations,

which they would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence, but they too have been deaf to the voice of justice.

We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind enemies in war, in peace, friends.

We therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the recessitude of our intentions, do in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies and of right ought to be free and independent states, and that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown.

And that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved.

And that as free and independent states, they have the full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish Congress, and do all other acts and things which independent states may right to do.

And for support of this declaration,

with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence,

we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

That was the beginning.

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10 seconds, station ID.

So when they wrote that document, they

it said several things.

It is our mission statement.

It's not how to run the government.

It's what we want in a government.

It's what we want to be as people.

It is an aspirational statement that the world had never heard before.

And I want to try to break it down

in the next segment a little bit.

And then

show you where our founders failed and what had to be done

and the promise for a rebirth of this nation

in just a few minutes.

Stand by.

By the way, all of this will be on YouTube.

And if you're a member of the Blaze, you can share it with your family as well this weekend.

You're listening to Glenn Beck.

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Independence Even we we thought we would talk a little bit about a couple of our documents that I think are so important.

One that shows our mission statement.

The Constitution of the United States, if you take away its mission statement, can really put together any government.

We could amend the Constitution and abolish all rights in the Constitution and do it constitutionally.

But once you connect the Declaration of Independence to the Constitution, well, then things change.

That's why the Declaration of Independence is so very important.

Because this was the time that we said, this is who we are and this is what we want to create.

And the first, or actually it's the third paragraph of the Declaration,

it says everything you need to know.

Our mission statement, the things that we hold to be self-evident, are that all men are created equal.

And that they're endowed by their Creator.

So here are two things, two things that were unheard of at the time, that all men are created equal.

What?

And we're not just talking about black and white.

We're talking about lords and ladies and dukes and duchesses and kings.

Wait a minute, are you telling me the guy who runs the apple farm and the cart that is outside of my walls, he's equal to me?

That's hogwash.

This was an unheard of idea that all men are created equal.

And that they're endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, meaning there is a God.

And you know what?

God isn't just picking the king.

In fact, he's not picking the king.

Because all men have the same rights.

Wait a minute, wait a minute.

I'm the king.

I've been chosen by God.

No, not really.

You're just saying that.

But we're all chosen by God.

We are all absolutely equal.

And

sorry, you're no different than us.

And by the way, those rights that

God gives you that you say are inalienable, you can't take that right away from me.

No, God gives that to everybody, and they're all inalienable.

And among these, meaning there's a lot more, but let me just give you three of them, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

Now, here's another big change.

That to secure these rights,

governments are instituted among men.

Now, wait a minute.

No, no, no.

The government is set up at the king's request to protect the king and his ideas and what he wants to do.

Wait a minute, wait a minute.

You're saying that because of these rights that you say you have, that's why this government exists?

That's nonsense.

No, but we're going to go one further.

Not only is that the reason why we have a government at all,

but that government derives its just powers, not its unjust powers, just powers from the consent of the governed.

And that when any form of government becomes destructive to those ends, meaning protecting those rights,

well, then it's the right of the people to alter or abolish it.

What?

You can't just take a government and just flush it down the toilet.

Yes, we can.

That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is, notice, the right capitalized of the people to alter or abolish it, comma, and to institute a new government.

So, when you say, I just want to burn this whole place down, you're violating our mission statement.

You're violating the principles.

You have to institute a new government and lay its foundations on such principles and organizing its power in such a form as to them shall seem most likely to affect their safetiness and happiness.

happiness.

We know we have a pursuit of happiness.

We know we have certain rights.

So we if we are going to abolish a government ever, we have to organize the principles of a new government that's going to protect those things.

Then it says

prudence indeed will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes.

We have to have good reasons.

And we know that it is in human nature that most people are just going to suffer.

Most people are just going to take it.

Hey, you didn't get your fries.

You want to go back and complain?

No, let's just go.

But that's a transient cause.

You wouldn't want to break up a country because you didn't get your fries.

Because most people, until it's intolerable, until you go, I didn't get my fries.

I didn't get my shake.

I didn't get a Coke.

I didn't get napkins.

I didn't get a burger.

I got nothing.

I got an empty bag.

That's when people will usually act.

Everybody will usually go together and say, okay, this is ridiculous.

Probably the first time, but definitely the second, third, and fourth, everyone will say something.

That's the long train of abuses and usurpations.

Then it is the people's right and it is their duty to throw off such government and provide new guards for their future security.

Now, nobody had ever said this before.

Nobody had ever...

It had been uttered certain things, certain, some of these lines had been said from the pulpits and in churches for 50 to 100 years.

So people recognized some of this language.

All men are created equal, endowed by their creator, life, liberty, and happiness.

They recognized a lot of this because they had been hearing it.

This was a soup that started with the pilgrims.

So, this was the common language.

Now, it's a little like Shakespeare.

You have to listen for the innotation to be able to

really understand it.

But we made a mistake.

And I don't think we made a mistake with the Declaration of Independence.

We made a mistake at the time of the Constitution because the founders relied on divine providence.

They knew we could not beat England without God.

And he knew that most of our founders wanted to end slavery.

But when we came to the Constitution, we didn't.

We ended the slave trade, but not slaves.

Now, we were the first nation to end slavery.

But technically, we were the third.

to end slaves and free slaves, and we had to do it in a war.

And at first, while Abraham Lincoln was against slavery and Abraham Lincoln was clear on that in his own writings in the 1850s,

that's not why he brought the Union to bear on the South.

He was trying to save the Union.

He said, you don't have a right to break away on these things.

transient causes.

And you have a wrong cause because the world is going in the other direction.

You're breaking away because you want slaves.

No, I'm sorry.

It's time to abolish slavery.

And that's why the Republican, that the Republican platform in 1860 was about that, ending slavery.

So he was intent on ending slavery, but then the South walked away and said, We're not part of you anymore.

And Abraham Lincoln, a man of constant sorrows,

a man

alone, really, truly alone,

fought his way through trying to save the Union, preserve the Union.

But that wasn't a great enough cause, and I don't think that was the cause that God wanted.

And we lost almost every single battle as the North.

Up until the Gettysburg Address,

we lost almost everything.

And then Lincoln paused, and he got down on his knees and he said, What do you want?

And And it was clear he had to free the slaves, that that's what that war was about.

And so he went and

declared that.

But first,

he said, We need a day of prayer, fasting, and humiliation.

We must ask God to forgive our sins.

After that, after that moment, After that proclamation, the North won almost every single battle, I think except one or two.

But while he was standing there,

there was a speaker before him, and he gave a long, popular speech.

Everybody was talking about that speech.

And then Abraham Lincoln stood up just to give a few appropriate words.

It took him less than two and a half minutes.

Everybody thought that it was good.

The newspaper man from New York asked the president, Can I get a copy of that speech?

He said, sure, and gave him the original, the original copy.

He used that to lay some of the typeset for the newspaper coverage and then threw that copy away.

Lincoln himself said, Nobody's going to long remember what we said here,

but we have.

And I think it is

appropriate, this Independence Day, to remember it

and to rededicate ourselves, because this is the challenge still that we have not

fully completed.

A promise of unity, and the promise again that reflects back to four score and seven years ago, and meaning back

in 1776, they had this idea.

Now it is twelve score and three years ago,

and his address still rings true.

Fourscore

and seven years ago,

our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation

conceived in liberty

and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now

we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure.

We are met on a great battlefield of that war.

We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives

that that nation might live.

It's altogether fitting and proper that we should do this, but

in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.

The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, they have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.

The world

will little note nor long remember what we say here.

But it can never forget what they did here.

It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated.

to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which those who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.

It is rather for us here to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave their last full measure of devotion.

That we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom and the government of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

Happy 4th of July.

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I'm going to draw another name out of Abe Lincoln's hat.

Not really his hat, just in case anybody really thinks we.

This is Keith Willis.

Bought some tickets yesterday, and he can upgrade all of those tickets to

a tour with anybody he chooses.

When is Keith coming in, and where is he from?

From Tyler, Texas, and he's coming in on the 4th.

So if he wants to join my tour, how many people are coming with him?

Seven?

It's going to be a big tour.

It's going to be a big tour.

It's going to be a really great day tomorrow.

I'm going to be here for the Mercury Museum the whole day, and I would love to see you and your family.

The Gettysburg Address, which we just went over, and also the first draft of the Declaration of Independence, an 1826 engraving of that first draft by Thomas Jefferson, is here.

The Declaration, sorry, the Gettysburg Address,

as well as the 13th Amendment Amendment and the

Emancipation Proclamation signed by Lincoln, are also here.

This is

a great day tomorrow to

rededicate yourself to these principles.

And we'll show you how you can do it.

This is very different than anything else that we have done.

The people who have already come through this last weekend are scoring it off the charts because we want to know what we can do, better or worse.

And everybody says the same thing.

They go through a full range of emotions, but they leave here with great hope.

And that is what you should.

When you look at the scars of our nation and then you look at the promise of our nation, you should leave with great hope.

Join us.

You can get your tickets now at mercury1.org.

That's mercury1.org.

It runs here in Dallas, Texas until July 7th.

I will be here tomorrow all day.

David Barton, Stu will be here Friday and over the weekend.

Make sure you join us, Mercury1.org.

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The fusion of entertainment and enlightenment.

Abby Johnson is one of my favorite people because she is so brave, so very brave.

And she started and then there were none, this organization.

She was working for Planned Parenthood.

She was...

actually the

employee of the year when she quit and realized, oh my gosh,

look at what I've been a part of.

And she has dedicated her life now to try to get people to not have abortions, but also to try to get the people out of those abortion clinics that were nurses just like she was.

We talked to her about something else she's doing that involves the border in one minute.

This is the Glenbeck program.

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Abby Johnson is with us.

She is the CEO and founder of And Then There Were None.

She's also the author of the book Unplanned, which was just a hit movie in America.

If you haven't seen it, I'm sure it's ⁇ Is it going to be on, let me ask Abby, are they going to put it on Amazon and Netflix?

Yes.

It will be out.

Yeah, it'll be out.

I'm not sure which platforms will hold it yet, but it'll be streaming and out on DVD August 13th.

That's great.

That's great.

Abby, how have you been?

I know this year has been really stressful with the movie and everything else.

First, how are you?

Yeah, I'm good.

I had a baby a month ago.

Oh, congratulations.

Boy or girl or Buick?

Because we all know it's not life in there always.

Exactly.

A little boy named Fulton, and he's just precious.

He was our eighth baby.

So,

you know, life is busy around here.

It's great.

I'm sorry.

I'm sorry.

I'm sorry.

I think the phone cut out.

You said it was your

eighth baby?

Eighth baby.

Well, you know, we're trying to repopulate.

Yeah.

Yeah.

That's a lot of children.

It's a lot of children.

But I have to tell you, I was a guy in my 20s that I didn't want any children.

Now I have four, and I wish I had 10.

There is nothing better.

I mean, you'll lose all of your hair and your eyebrows and everything, but there is nothing.

There's nothing better.

And money.

Yeah.

I know.

I know.

Okay.

So, Abby, I want to talk to you about something that I think is controversial that I don't think should be.

And I commend you for doing this.

You started Bottles to the Border.

Tell me about this.

Yeah, so

I've been wanting to

send items down to the border.

It's not easy.

to do something like that.

You think it would be, but the detention centers won't take items.

And so trying to find places that will take items where people can access them who really need them can be a little difficult.

And so

I

called a friend of mine,

Daphne Dela Rosa, and

we just started talking about it.

And we said, you know, we really need a combined effort from the pro-life movement you know who can who can do this who can gather supplies

and

I said I'm gonna I'm gonna put out a registry so we contacted

four different

centers

that are working with immigrants and

So these would be places where the immigrants would go after they've left the detention centers.

And they go there with nothing.

I mean,

they don't even have shoelaces.

Shoelaces are taken in the detention center.

Kids don't have toys.

I mean, there's just nothing.

And so

a lot of moms, you know, who need baby supplies, who need nursing items, just, I mean, basic things that we take for granted,

they don't have.

And so

we thought, you know, this really isn't a political issue.

This is sort of just a human rights issue.

We need to get down there and figure out how to help people.

And so

we started talking to different pro-life groups.

And surprisingly,

people were,

we weren't surprised that they wanted to get involved.

We were surprised that they were actually willing to put their name on it because like I said,

this becomes controversial when it's just about helping people.

When I did this, I don't know, four or five years ago, went down to the border under Obama, and I was telling people then, because the border guards were telling me, these people were being demonized, these border guards were saying, please, you've got to get people to wake up.

And what's happening, they're putting children in cages and breaking up the families.

I called every single reporter that I knew that was on the left and said, don't use my name if you don't want to.

Nothing.

Just please check this out.

Here are names that you can call in the border guard that need this exposed.

Nobody was interested on the left and unfortunately on the right for a while until people started getting a handle on it.

People thought I was saying that we have to, you know, welcome these people across the border.

No, no, no.

No, I just want to take care of people.

When you were hungry, I fed you.

When you were in prison, I visited you.

When you didn't have clothes, I clothed you.

That's what we're supposed to do.

And then let the machinery of the government take care of sending these people back.

Exactly.

And, you know, we hear all the time, Pro-Lifers saying, we don't want government interference.

We need the churches to step up.

Okay, well, let's step up, right?

Like, let's be the church.

Let's help these people who are in these desperate situations.

I don't care why they're here.

I don't, I don't, that's not, I'm not really interested in that.

I just want to help them while they are here right now, while they are in need.

And we talked to some of these respite centers.

They are receiving five to eight hundred people a day.

That's a number that most I mean, can you imagine like five to eight hundred people?

You're having to clothe them, take care of them, house them, help get them medical care.

So it's really easy for conservatives to say, you know, well, we are taking care of them.

It's such an overwhelming number that a lot of people are falling through the cracks and so how and a lot of towns

a lot of towns are falling through the cracks a lot of churches are collapsing because they cannot do it it is the church's responsibility when i say church i don't mean with a capital c i mean small c us all of us it is our gospel requirement to clothe the needy, to feed the hungry.

And they are here, and we are letting our capital C churches collapse all along the border, and our towns getting ready to collapse because there's no money to do it.

Right.

So we gathered all this stuff.

We did an Amazon registry.

We had a DropPoint for one of our, we do registries a lot for single moms, moms that choose life, who are in desperate need of resources.

So we're sort of like a well-oiled machine for large baby registries.

And

so this was that times 100.

So

we had a drop point.

One of our staff members, Brendan, there were none.

Everything was being shipped to her.

Everything was organized.

We had a team of people go to her house,

get everything organized.

And then

we got the coolest offer.

So a man that goes to her church that he owns an 18-wheeler trucking company, and he said, I will donate a truck, the time, and a driver if you can fill it up and get supplies down to the border.

So, we have an 18-wheeler

that we are filling up with supplies

and taking down there to the border.

And the most needed items are, I think, just basic thing, diapers

and

protein-boosting milk for kids, formula,

shoelaces.

Every single person that comes, 500 to 800 pairs of shoelaces are needed per day because they're taken in the payment.

They need the kids come in.

Oh, they told us 500 to 800 people come in per day.

About half of those are children.

I mean, come on, people.

Wake up.

These are kids.

It doesn't matter why their parents are here.

It doesn't matter their immigration status.

These are children.

And some of these children have been kidnapped and taken and are destined for really horrible things.

We have to care for them.

Yes.

And so we're just really excited.

So we're taking an 18 wheeler

down to the border.

We have four different centers that we're working with.

Two of them can take supplies.

Two of them cannot because they just don't have the facilities.

So we have raised almost $40,000 to divide between these centers to help them take in the immigrants that are coming.

And it's just been really beautiful to see the pro-life movement come together and to work on this cause together and to show people that it's not just about abortion.

I mean, this is about human rights, period.

Whether it's the child in the womb, whether it's the immigrant at the border, we have to care about both equally.

So tell me,

and this is so good because I'm tired of people saying, oh, well, if Christians really believed in pro-life, what about all the babies that are born that are unwanted?

Well, here, right here, right here.

We'll help and we'll do it.

Where can you give?

Yeah, so go.

So the best thing to do is

I'm going to be making a fresh post today on my Facebook page.

If you type in Abby Johnson, it's the first one that will pop up.

I'm also going to be making a fresh Twitter post today and a post on Instagram, Abby Johnson on both of those.

And people can go, they can donate

monetary gifts if they would like to do that.

Do you have something I can just put my credit card in and give?

Yep.

Okay.

Yep.

Super easy.

And

then we also have the Amazon registry

back open.

Now that we have the 18-wheeler, we've added additional supplies because we want to fill that sucker up.

So how do we do that on Amazon?

You have an 18-wheeler donated to go down with supplies.

So we want to fill it up and take it down there.

Hopefully we'll have more than need for more 18-wheelers.

How do I get to the Amazon page?

Yeah, so I'll have all of that on my Facebook page.

I'll have a link to the Amazon registry.

I'll have a link to how people can make donations.

All very easy.

Okay.

And I'll make a fresh post today so that everybody can see it.

I'll make it this morning.

Okay, please do.

You can follow her at Twitter at Abby Johnson.

You can also find her Facebook page, Abby Johnson, and her website is abbyjohnson.org, bottles to the border.

I think this is courageous and

really great, Abby.

And let me know how we can help because I would like to also

be of assistance to you.

I think what you're...

And we're going to be actually there on the 13th.

On July 13th

is the day that we're traveling down.

So

if people are interested in helping us unload, I mean, unloading this truck is going to be

a feat, getting everything into these centers, getting it organized for them.

Okay, so let's talk Monday, maybe after the holiday, and we'll see if we can get some people.

Yeah, yeah.

So if anybody's interested in helping us, if you're going to be down in McAllen

and help us, you know, want to help us unload, they can email me at my website, abbyjohnson.org.

Thank you very much, Abby.

I appreciate it.

God bless.

Excellent.

Thank you.

With cash, I can take care of it for you.

I don't recommend that you give it to Stu.

Just send it to not a trustworthy individual.

Attention, Stu.

Yeah.

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I walked out, what was it, yesterday afternoon?

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What was the temperature here yesterday?

A thousand?

No, I loved it.

I walk out of this place where it's 14 degrees in the studio every day.

Damn right.

And then you have to sit outside in the car because I don't even turn the air conditioning on.

I sit out in the car with just the heat that's been like radiating through there for hours and hours and hours.

It's not that cold.

And after about

two hours, I cold.

It's cold.

Carson.

That's a good show.

We had Nick DiPaolo in here the other day, by the way, who's been on every late-night show.

And he's like, man, it's cold in here.

And I said, that's what we've been saying.

But Glenn always says, well, that's how Letterman does it.

That's how Letterman does.

That's how I've done it my whole whole life.

But stop complaining.

Every TV show.

And he said he's been on all of these shows.

He's a liar.

And this is colder than all of them.

And then he said, don't tell Glenn because I want to come back.

Well, you just told me that.

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What do you think about 10 seconds for station ID?

I'm thinking about it.

No, I don't want to do that.

No, you don't.

Yeah, it took you about 10 seconds to figure it out.

Yeah.

So Andy No, Dr.

No, is on with us today.

Yeah, that's going to be pretty interesting.

I mean,

he wrote an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal talking about this incident.

I would like to see what his belief is on

how the media has reacted to this because journalists have not been on his side.

No, journalists are saying he's not a journalist.

Yeah.

By the way, when does that matter?

He's a gay man and a gay journalist.

Go, Phil Hendry.

Let's just say he was

not a journalist.

Let's just say he was

a really annoying door-to-door salesman.

Okay.

A guy who came in and he tried to sell you,

he tried to sell you vacuum cleaners.

I don't want them.

And you don't want those vacuum cleaners.

I'm pissed at those vacuum cleaner people.

Does this annoying door-to-door vacuum cleaner salesman deserve to get hit in the head and pummeled to a brain bleed?

Will he leave if I ask him to leave?

What does he like?

Him being a journalist should

perhaps heighten the sensitivity of other journalists because you have to go into dangerous areas.

You are constantly in the situation where you want to make sure that observing a crowd does not make you a part of the story.

It doesn't make you a target of a crowd, right?

You want that to be, you can understand that being a focus of a journalist.

However, anybody in this situation, whether they're just walking down the street, whether they're just passing by, whether they're even being critical, whether they're saying things, which he was not, whether they're saying things that disagree with the statements and the concepts of the march, whatever it is, you should not be beaten in the head to the point where you're going to a brain bleed.

Or even having

a meaningless vegan shake without concrete thrown at you.

Can you imagine if we would have done that?

Because Al Sharpton walked through the crowd for restoring honor.

Remember that?

Yeah, yeah, yeah.

Yeah.

He took his people and he marched a crowd through our crowd.

And nobody did anything except, God bless you.

Love you.

Yeah.

Okay.

That was so awesome.

And

he wanted, they were picking a fight and they wanted it.

We didn't do anything.

Can you imagine if somebody would have thrown a milkshake without concrete at Al Sharpton?

Can you imagine?

I mean, this is, you know, it's almost too easy here, but like

you could say, imagine if a son of a Vietnamese immigrant who happens to be gay was beaten up at a Trump rally right and had a brain bleed what a big story that will be but you don't even need to go there we know what a big story it was when a kid at so what 16 years old stood in front of an of a Native American with a red hat on and it was a two-week story this guy was beaten within an inch of his life he went to the hospital He brain bleed.

And that is like, oh, well, he's not even a journalist.

What does that have have to do with anything who cares well journalists are protective journalists believe that they are above everybody else so there's a different there's a different rule for journalists but if any

but who cares he's a freaking person anybody who gets beaten to the end within an inch of their lives people they need the press to tell them what's right and wrong you're listening to Glenn Beck He's coming up in about a half an hour.

If you're in constant pain, you're not alone.

You know,

during the 1700s, 50% of the people were in pain.

Now, can you imagine that?

Can you have even imagined?

We were talking about Gettysburg earlier.

Can you imagine being in the Gettysburg War where the doctor was coming and he was like, I got a saw, I got to take your leg off.

You'd be like, No.

Yeah, not to mention the life expectancy was like 35.

Half the population was in pain?

Because you wanted to kill yourself.

You wanted, I'm going to go to war, honey.

I'm probably not coming back.

I've had this

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I can't take it anymore.

I hope one of the other soldiers or even one of my own soldiers will shoot me in the back at some point.

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That's the end of it.

That's the whole thing.

That's the whole thing.

You stand there.

Sand by watch people walk down a street.

That's a parade.

So I live just outside of Preston, Idaho.

Preston is this town of, I think, about a thousand people, I think.

The town I live in is about 500 people.

And so if you get everybody together, you've got 1,500 people at a parade.

And so they have this parade down the streets of Preston.

And I'm so bummed that I missed it.

I think it's coming up, and I'm not going to be able to go this year, but they have this great festival.

Now, I don't know

if they organize it in such a way to where like this is your year to march or what but half of the people are watching it and the other half are in it and because they didn't you know because they parked everything on one side they go up one street and then they come back the other street and it's it's fantastic so you can see both sides of the parade you can see the people waving you on the left and then when it comes back you can see them on the right because Do they walk across like the in-between area so they can see you both times?

No, because they go in, like, they come back and go back.

They make a circle.

This is

making a good argument.

And then they make it, and then they do it again the next day, and everybody goes, well, and it's fun.

I mean, there's a fun, like we do, you know, some of these parades with my kids.

My kids are six and seven, and they like it, and it's, I like doing it with them.

However, what a parade is, is essentially that thing that cars drive on.

Instead, people are walking on it.

That's the

best so bad.

Have you ever been to a great 4th of July parade?

I would say there's no such thing as a great 4th of July.

Yes, there is.

In Provo, Utah, the best 4th of July.

I think it's the longest, not the longest running or anything like that.

It may be the longest running.

No, because it'd have to be back east.

But I think it's the longest Fourth of July parade in the length.

Like length.

It's like the Macy's Day parade, and they do it right it is i mean it you you're transported into like this all-americana kind of space where you're like everyone here

really

i'm embarrassed because i don't even know if i love the country this much it's that it's that kind of deal it is the best i mean it's i look you like the celebration of the country i just think it's one of those things where the tradition

might

outpace the actual enjoyment of the event.

Okay, so I agree with you when it comes to like 4th of July ceremonies and the fireworks.

We used to go to the fireworks every year.

It was a big deal.

I remember this.

This was your life.

I mean, you.

Oh, 4th of July.

We would use that.

We would search out for the biggest one.

Oh, yeah.

We did that.

And my older kids remember that.

My younger kids don't because basically Rafe hated fireworks.

He freaked out.

Oh, really?

Oh,

from one to five, we couldn't get him near a firecracker because it would go off and he would be like, oh, it's too loud.

I'm afraid.

And, you know, so every year we would go to one of these things for like four or five years.

We would go to these and I would have to go before the fireworks started and go and go inside some place where he couldn't hear them.

And I'm like, Reef, one of these days, you're going to like this and you're going to want to go and I'm not taking you.

So it just became just a hassle.

And we haven't picked it back up again.

And I hate it.

And next year, I am committing that we're going to do it.

And in fact, if I have to start my own parade, I'm going to start a parade.

I might even do it.

I think we should do

some sort of a contest.

And I know we did this before, where we are, we'll come and we'll do, and I want to do the fireworks and everything.

You mean like we'll go to a specific town?

Like maybe.

Yeah, and we'll, and it'll be a town that, you know, wants to start a tradition of a parade or something like that.

And we'll,

we'll do the fireworks.

I've done two fireworks shows before, and they're pretty good.

Yeah, I mean, this is your game.

There's no doubt about that.

Yeah, that's my game.

I think it could be really fun.

I mean, maybe we could make the parade not suck.

You know, maybe that's one of the goals of the event.

Well, we'll probably not have you in it.

That would be a big, big, big, big help.

I think it would be great fun.

Oh, yeah.

I mean, like, it is,

because we did something like this many years ago.

Let's do this.

And it was like a...

Say yes.

I'm into it.

I think this would be fun.

You're in.

I'm in.

You're in.

You just have to make it good.

That's my ultimate.

Remember the float that we made years ago in Ohio?

And it was the John Kerry wafflehead float.

That was fantastic.

That was fantastic.

And we didn't do it.

The audience did it.

That's true.

They made it in the middle of the day.

I mean, the audience, I bet you the audience would come up with some really cool, fun floats.

And I don't necessarily want to draw attention to this.

I don't know what the statute of limitations is exactly, but I believe believe after the election, John Kerry did kind of blame us for his loss.

You're welcome, America.

You're welcome.

I don't.

If that's what caused him

to lose, a giant John Kerry face that was like 12 feet tall, made entirely out of waffles, saying, remember, vote for me on Wednesday.

If that's what lost the election, he deserved to lose.

Well, first of all, he definitely deserved to lose.

There's no question about that.

But he did actually afterwards come out and say, they're like, well, there were people in Ohio saying that Republicans had to vote on Tuesday and Democrats voted on Wednesday.

And remember, that was the close state, and they tried to say the election was stolen.

There may have been a wafflehead float saying things similar to that in the streets.

And I got to say, like, if you fall for that, shouldn't you have to just

abandon your right to vote?

Like, isn't, aren't you too dumb to vote if you fall for that?

If you hear a giant

on a truck, a giant head that looks like a waffle

and is saying in the John Kerry voice, Democrats vote on Wednesday, and you're like, gosh, I can't wait to get there on Wednesday.

Do you deserve your vote?

No, I don't think so.

I don't think so.

I don't think so.

So you're welcome, America.

If that's true, you're welcome.

But I like this it was it's a doing like a festival like that where everyone kind of comes together and and people who actually like America join together and and don't don't sit there and complain about it the entire time that would be amazing you know like we can maybe not focus on how we're making people drink out of toilets

We can go down the other road, the other parts of our history, you know, the parts where, I don't know, we ripped billions of people out of poverty.

Maybe focus on that instead of the toilet water.

That could be good.

Is that an option?

That could be good.

I think that could be fun.

Yeah.

All right.

Are you in?

I'm in.

I think that'd be fun.

Now you know, without saying, what I'm also planning next summer.

I turn your mic off for a second.

Okay.

Okay.

Yes.

Okay.

So you know that.

Yeah.

The thing that you just said on television, and people could easily read your lips.

Yes.

Whoops.

Okay.

So, well, you didn't remind me of that.

So, anyway,

so

should we combine the two?

Probably, yes.

I mean, because you don't want to have, it says, you know, without giving anything away, like, you can't, you can't have

major events can you have in a summer?

I mean, people don't like you that much.

I mean, people who work here don't like you that much.

So let us.

What if I promise I won't be there?

Okay, now you're warming to the idea.

I'm warming to this idea.

All right.

So, like, you appear in Idaho, and the event is somewhere on the other side of the country.

Yes.

Yes.

That's part of it.

Yes.

And you will not Skype in or anything?

You promise not to FaceTime?

Well, my family will probably be there at the event, so I would FaceTime so I could watch the event, but they'll keep me on mute.

And we'll have to negotiate that one.

Okay, all right, okay.

All right.

Yeah, no, that would be really cool.

I mean, I will say we've had how many big gatherings of this audience over the years, and every time we've done it, like...

It's scary as hell.

No, well, it's scary as hell because we always think no one's going to show up.

Yeah.

But

think about, like, for example, what we saw in Portland this weekend this week, where people are just getting attacked.

How often has this happened?

Every time the other, this like sort of hard left decides to get together, people wind up getting hit in the head with things.

But I love that with ours because ours

never happens that way.

It never happens that way.

And they try to antagonize us, and we're just like, hey, everybody's singing Amazing Grace.

And they're like, oh, I hate these people.

And they walk away.

Yeah.

It's really fun.

It's really fun to watch when you said, and I learned this.

I learned this.

I wish I knew the name of this lady.

Um, when I was in Alaska and I was walking down the street and this lady was so pissed at me.

And I just, she was yelling at me all kinds of stuff.

And she came right up to me, had her finger right in my chest.

And I just said, I love you.

It was one of those days where I was very, very Gandhi Christ-like.

I was feeling it.

You know what I mean?

The next day, I could have just bitten her head off.

I don't know.

But that day, I was feeling very Christ-like.

And you just said it.

You just blurted out, I love you.

Aren't Aren't you supposed to be a little bit more than that?

She said something for that.

And she was waiting for me to say something.

And I said, I love you.

And then she just blew up again.

And then she waited for me to respond.

And I said, I love you.

And she blew up even more.

And I said, I love you.

And she went.

And she turned around and walked away.

So you basically like harnessed love for political purposes that you might tell you.

It's a miracle.

What I've just done is a course in miracles right there.

I think you have almost like a me too issue if you did that today.

If someone walks up to you and yells at you and says, I love you, I think that it works every time.

Yeah, it works every time.

Hey, listen, come tomorrow, we're doing our museum 12 score and three years ago.

The unfinished promise of unity.

You'll see the original draft of the Declaration of Independence that includes abolishing slavery.

It's an amazing document.

The Gettysburg Address, the 13th Amendment,

the

Emancipation Proclamation, all of these things under one roof.

People go through all kinds of emotions because you start in a slave ship,

but you end in light.

And as we are interviewing people on exit

questionnaires this last weekend on how we can make it better, everybody is saying the same thing.

The emotions are all of them.

You will go through all of the emotions,

but you will leave really, really hopeful.

You can get your tickets now at mercury1.org.

I'm here all day, 4th of July.

I'd love to meet your family.

I'd love to have you here.

Join one of my tours.

You can find out all about them at mercury1.org.

So, you know, all of the proceeds go to free current slaves in the Middle East through the Nazarene Fund and also OUR.

It's 12 score and three years ago.

The unfinished promise of unity.

Get your tickets now at mercury1.org.

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Hello and welcome to the program.

Oh, we're so glad that you're here today.

Thank you so much.

Andy No is coming up in just a second.

He's the editor of Quillette.

If you've never read Quillette, you should.

Quillette.com.

It's a hardcore right-wing publication.

No, not so much.

That's how it's described every time now, which I it's not.

No, it's like a, I mean, intellectual dark web, probably in that generality.

It's a classical, liberal kind of website.

So you're going to get people that disagree with you on abortion and everything else reading it, but they can't believe in freedom.

And that's probably the thing that unites it, that whole movement really more than anything else.

What a surprise.

That's what used to unite the United States of America.

We could all come together and be different and yet all come together on the principles of freedom.

That sounds scary.

What if we instead silence people that we don't like?

That sounds better.

That's a butterhead.

What if we didn't have to hear things that we thought might be hateful?

What if we just didn't have to hear things that just made us sad, made us angry

or made us scared?

What if sometimes government that gave us

a lot of

and provided all the things that we need?

Like say like from each

according

let's see

to each according to their need

from each according I don't know.

We'll get something.

Something in this area.

I doesn't

know that sounds evil.

Really?

Yeah.

Doesn't sound like, does it sound like the type of thing that would kill 100 million people over a century or so?

It does.

Something inside of the earth says

that would kill 100 million people.

Wow.

I wonder why.

It sounds so innocuous when you say it like that.

Yeah, no, I think, well, it's great.

And Andy No has been a guy who's stood up for a long time.

just saying like, hey, look what's going on in my community.

Like, can people notice that this should not be something that's happening in the United States of America?

And just documenting what's going on.

And for that, of course, he's been threatened many, many times and now has actually been beaten.

Hospitalized.

Yeah, hospitalized.

With a brain bleed because they beat him in Antifa did in Portland.

But nobody really seems to care about that.

The press is still, you know, they're great with Antifa.

Can I ask you a somewhat separate question?

I don't think it's worth bringing up to Andy now because he's got more important things.

Well, he's a doctor.

That's true.

At least in my world.

Doctor No.

no.

Antifa.

Antifa.

Okay.

That's the two that you hear a lot, Antifa or Antifa.

But really, it's anti-fascist.

It shouldn't be anti-Fa.

Anti-Fa is how that should be pronounced.

Not Antifa.

Nantifa.

Antifa sounds like.

Anti-Fa.

Right.

It seems like, and it's going to be spectacular and anti-Fa.

Right.

Last nick Daniel, Antifa.

Fa, fascist.

Yeah.

We say fa,

and it's so it's wrong.

And then anti is anti, not anti,

not uh.

It's like we go the wrong way on both of them.

Yes, I know.

Yeah, I'm calling it anti-fa from now on.

Anti-fa.

Anti-fa.

Anti-fa.

Like anti-freeze.

It's anti-fa.

Fascist.

Fa.

Antifreeze.

So it should be antifa.

Antifa.

I'm fine with that.

I just hate the ones that we, because every time he's like, Antifa, and they're like, Antipha, it's Antifa.

No, it's not.

It's neither.

Okay?

Stop changing it.

It doesn't matter.

No, it really doesn't matter.

Dr.

No

joins us in just a few minutes.

The fusion of entertainment and enlightenment.

So we have Andy No on.

I like to call him Dr.

No.

And he knows a thing or two about doctors.

He has been in the hospital for a brain bleed because he was beaten by Antifa.

Antifa.

How do you say it, Stu?

Anti-Fa.

Anti-Fa?

Anti-Fa.

We'll talk to Andy No from Quillette next.

One minute.

This is the Glembeck program.

Property crime counts for about half of all crime in America.

36% of property crime.

That's only 36% is even reported.

18% of property crimes are even prosecuted.

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I was

all right.

Let's go to Andy, Andy No, who I am begging

some university to give him an honorary doctorate so he can officially be Dr.

No.

Welcome, Andy.

How are you?

Andy, are you there?

I am.

Hello.

Yes.

How are you feeling, first off?

I've been in

a lot of pain and exhaustion.

I've been particularly concerned that I've been having some difficulty with speaking, but I'm pushing myself to do all the

media interviews because I'm hoping that the story is not just one of some person getting beat up in a city, but rather has the potential to move the needle on the national discourse on far less militancy.

And I want people to be confronted by the brutality of this anti-fun movement.

Have you done any mainstream media?

Has CNN reached out to you, ABC, NBC, any of these people?

I've been on Tucker Carlson.

I've been on other Fox shows.

And I was also invited and accepted

to do an interview on CNN yesterday morning.

Are you surprised by the response of the press saying that you're not a journalist and it really was just a little bump in the head?

It was no big deal.

I wish I could say I was

surprised, but

I'm not.

There's

militant antifuzz is a very small uh number of people, but the the larger and more concerning should be the focus on um the larger concentric circle of what I call nonviolent antifa.

And these are people who are sympathetic to the ideas of this movement, mainly Marxism and violence against the right.

And

so they work in in journalism and progressive media and sometimes mainstream center-left media, and they work to whitewash and sanitize the ideology and tactics of Antifa.

And so there is a machine in work that has been in work for years now to mainstream aspects of this militant paramilitary movement.

So I shouldn't be surprised that they're coming to try to delegitimize

my work and who I am as as a justification

for the attack.

Portland police officers, I'm quoting the Portland mayor.

Portland police officers have the unenviable task of keeping peace.

It's a difficult job and hard decisions are made in real time.

I saw your video.

I watched all of them.

And you practically begged the police to help and to

wake up to what was happening to you.

And then you were beaten and they didn't arrive at all.

You had to go back to them.

What is your opinion of what the police did or did not do?

Were they

do you believe they were on orders not to get involved at all?

I don't blame any rank and file officers because

reg for months now, Antifa has been

intimidating, harassing and assaulting me.

And I have many pending open investigations that preceded Saturday's assault.

And their responses every time these attacks happen, many

within the eyesight of the police,

their responses always that they cannot move in

to question, detain, or approach the suspects because this could incite the crowd.

So this signals to me that this is a

problem

in

the

policing tactics of the police.

It comes from higher up.

So

the city has already been on notice about

the violent militancy of Antifa since 2016.

To remind our listeners who may not be aware, after the results of the election were announced in November, there was violent rioting in the city where a million dollars in damage was done in downtown,

and fires were started on the streets, and masked individuals carrying bats and other weapons went around destroying cars, breaking windows.

It was complete anarchy, and we keep having these bouts of violence

in front of a major American city.

What should be done, Andy?

I think the DOJ needs to step in.

The Department of Homeland Security since twenty sixteen has described some of the activities of ANCIFA as domestic terrorist violence.

And so this is a problem that

for, I think, the federal authorities to step in because local authorities, particularly in Portland, where the mayor

who

also doubles as a police commissioner and is up for re-election in a city that hates police.

He has all the incentive in the world to

weaken the law enforcement practices and to allow far less militants to run amok on the streets.

This is very reminiscent in many ways of what happened on the streets in southern towns where the mayor and the police chief would

allow protesters to be beaten

and did nothing about it until the federal government got involved.

Andy, we wish you the very best

and a speedy recovery.

If there's anything that any of us can do besides pray for you,

we stand ready to do it.

God bless you and thank you so much.

Thanks for bringing attention to the story.

You bet.

Andy No,

you can follow him at Mr.

Andy No, G N G O, Andy N-G-O,

on Twitter.

American Financing Corporation, NMLS, 1-82334, www.nmlsconsumeraccess.org.

All right, we're going to go through the Declaration of Independence in just a second.

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We break for 10 seconds station ID.

When,

in the course of human events,

it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with one another

and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal stations to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them.

A decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We

hold these truths to be self-evident.

That all men are created equal and that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.

That among these are life,

liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.

That when any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to affect their safety and happiness.

Prudence indeed would dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes.

And accordingly, all experience has shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.

But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariable the same object, invinces a design to to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government and provide new guards for their future security.

Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government.

The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having a direct object, the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states.

And to prove this,

let facts be submitted to a candid world.

This king has refused to assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his assent should be obtained, and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant

for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He's refused for a long time after such disillusions to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the State remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations thither, and raising the conditions of new appropriation of lands.

He's affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.

He's combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation, for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us, for protecting them by mock trial from a punishment of any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states for cutting off all of our trade with parts of the world, for imposing taxes on us without consent, for depriving us, in many cases, of the benefit of trial by jury, for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for inducing the same absolute rule into these colonies,

for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of government.

He has plundered our seas, he has ravaged our coasts, he has burnt our towns, and he has destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny already begun with the circumstances of cruelty unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has incited treasonable insurrections in our fellow subjects, with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property.

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself,

violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither.

This

warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of a Christian king of Great Britain, determined to keep an open market where men should be bought and sold.

He has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this commerce.

And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them by murdering the people upon whom he has also obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people with crimes in which he urges them to commit against the lives of another.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in most humble terms and our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury.

A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a man to be free.

Future ages will scarcely believe the hardiness of one man.

We have not been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren.

We have warned them from time to time of the attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.

We have reminded them of the circumstances of our immigration and settlement here.

We have appealed to their native justice and magnimity.

We have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurtations,

which they would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence, but they too have been deaf to the voice of justice.

We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends.

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the recessitude of our intentions, do in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies and of right ought to be free and independent states, and that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown,

and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved.

And that, as free and independent states, they have the full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish Congress, and do all other acts and things which independent states may right to do.

And for support of this declaration,

with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence,

we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

The

first draft of the Declaration of Independence includes the paragraph on slavery that Thomas Jefferson wrote and was only rejected by three states,

which

the Declaration had to be unanimous.

It says at the top of the page, the unanimous Declaration

because he knew that they all did that the king would separate them if it disagreed on anything.

Charlie Kirk is coming up in just a second.

By the way, you can see that declaration at our museum at mercury1.org.

We are here for the 12-score and three years ago museum.

It's open tomorrow through Sunday.

Bring your family.

You can get special tours.

You can just come and tour yourself.

It is an amazing experience, and you will leave here filled with knowledge and hope for the future.

All right, Charlie Kirk is coming up next with a look at the news of the week.

Research suggests that...

Is the Glembeck program?

Sorry.

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Now, if you're not able to get to Texas for the Mercury Museum at mercury1.org, tonight we're going to see a preview of some of the best stuff in the museum with David Barton on television at blazetv.com/slash glenn.

Charlie Kirk is joining us now.

Charlie Kirk is

a truly amazing, amazing individual.

He's the founder and president of Turning Point USA.

He's the host of the Charlie Kirk Show.

You can find him at tpusa.com.

And we welcome him to the program today.

Charlie, I want to start with, with, I want to cover, if I can, if I have time, three different things with you.

The first one is the 4th of July celebration.

The 4th of July celebration, the Democrats are now saying this is a partisan thing.

He's taken over the mall celebration, America celebration, and Donald Trump is doing

just a partisan thing.

Well,

I would normally say that wasn't true, but

I believe if the other party now their stance is that America is a bad place many are even saying that they hate America.

Don't tell me that it's good.

I guess it is a partisan thing.

There's half the people that say, no, I don't agree with that.

It's a pretty sweet place to be.

No doubt, and they're making it a partisan thing.

And thank you so much for having me, Glenn.

Always such a great honor.

But where does this idea come from?

Where has the

horrific anti-American sentiment stemmed from?

It's from our universities.

This has been 40 and 50 years in the making.

And five or six years ago, as I really started to get our work going at Turning Point USA, I started to see measures on college campuses such as American flags being banned from in dormitory rooms in the University of California system.

And I started to see not just left-wing students talk about their radical ideology, but instead just be so

outwardly anti-American.

And now

this has metastasized into the top levels of Democrat leadership.

I mean, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez does not just come out of nowhere.

She was created and incubated

in colleges.

She's a prototype of the radical left.

And now it's become mainstream.

And I sent out a tweet this morning kind of joking around a little bit saying only the Democrats could be upset.

that there'll be money spent to celebrate America, but they're perfectly fine having billions billions of dollars in cash flown on a private jet to Iran who wants a step.

Exactly right.

Only the modern Democrats could come up with that sort of

illogical approach.

Let me talk to you a little bit about students for Trump.

It's just been announced that you have a budget now of $15 million,

150 staffers, and a presence on more than 1,400 college campuses.

And you are going to do the largest get-out-the-vote program targeting students on college campuses for a Republican president ever.

How are you going to

break through to these people who, as you said, it's been metastasized?

They're not for only 28%

of

students are looking at Donald Trump and saying, he's a good guy.

I like his policies.

Well, the good thing about being at 28% is you got almost nowhere to go but up.

And

the best thing about being surrounded is you can shoot in any direction.

But look, I do believe that those polls are a little bit misrepresentative.

There are far more students that have positive

have a positive perspective of the president than I think those polls will reflect.

But make no mistake, the road to the White House goes straight through college campuses.

And not to oversimplify 2020, but the Democrats have very specific, I call them policy bribes almost, targeting young people.

Student loan forgiveness, almost their entire climate agenda is catering towards younger coastal voters that have no connection to the heartland of our country.

Malibu and Manhattan is the extent of their worldview, not Missouri, Michigan, or Montana.

And so it's up to us, our effort, going into 2020 through our Students for Trump vehicle, to add a little sobriety, add a little realism and truth.

And the message is quite simple, is we're going to say, wait a second, you say you don't trust the government, because a lot of these students say they don't trust the government.

Then why on earth would you want to make government bigger and more powerful and give more of your money and give more of your freedom to that government?

Because a lot of these students say, well, our government is bought and paid for by the corporations and the special interests.

Say, all right,

that's a reasonable approach.

Then why on earth would you want to give that very same government control over your health care and of your decisions?

And so look, it's an uphill battle, to say the least, Glenn, but

it's a clash that we're going to embrace.

Because in order for Donald Trump to get reelected, he needs to exceed expectations on college campuses.

And the Democrats right now and the radical left are not expecting

any sort of obstacle on college campuses.

And we hope to at least make it competitive again, not just allow the left to have a monopoly over the next generation.

So Charlie, the other thing that has really concerned me

is

the arrogance of Silicon Valley.

We know

through

studies that are done in Harvard that Google is changing results for their search and stacking things for the Democrats.

And it is very effective.

We also know that they're conservative, you know, they're deplatforming or just changing their algorithms to make sure that they're not highlighting people.

I mean, me, when I search and I watch something of me on YouTube, I can't get them to

recommend another video by me.

And it's me.

I mean, it's like, this is nuts.

I know the president is meeting with Google and

I believe YouTube next week.

The Justice Justice Department is going to be there.

What do you foresee happening there?

Yeah, and so there's a social media summit next week at the White House, and I will be there.

And to kind of extrapolate that point a little more, Glenn, which is a brilliant one, the Silicon Valley elites, they look at themselves as philosopher kings,

as the philosopher king that Plato talked about thousands of years ago.

That's who they think they are.

They believe they are smarter, they believe they are better, and they believe they deserve more power, and no one should ever question them.

And some could make the argument that Google is more dangerous currently than the Internal Revenue Service.

Oh, I agree.

The IRS doesn't even use email still.

You still have to write them a letter to the post office.

Google could overthrow a government.

Google could change public sentiment.

92%

of all search results go through Google.

And so, look, I applaud the President for having some sort of a forum to at least cross examine and hopefully challenge Silicon Valley.

And I think an important thing to note here, Glenn, is we as free market people and as followers of Adam Smith and Milton Friedman, we're very we should be very cautious and careful to ever call for government regulation.

However, when these big tech companies are sometimes

using government contracts and taxpayer funding to

advance their agenda, that should be discontinued.

So, for example, Amazon is on the verge of signing a $10 billion taxpayer-funded contract through Amazon Web Services to house all the Pentagon and cloud data.

And that's just unexpected.

That's cronyism.

That's not capitalism.

I would rather see us, I mean, instead of regulation, just threaten their status as

a platform.

Publisher.

And they do not, that'll put them out of business because of lawsuits.

So, I mean, just that one threat should turn them around.

No doubt.

And I think your audience is very aware of this.

And I hear this concern amongst the grassroots all across the country that

there's almost been a super government created.

It's almost as if there's two sources of power now in America, the government and the information processing distribution.

And they're thousands of miles away from each other, but they agree on basically everything.

And

while most of our movement has been very focused, rightfully so, on the deep state within Washington, there's a deep state built in Silicon Valley.

And it's really not even American.

I mean, it doesn't care

who is in charge of anything in the future.

They will be much more powerful than any government.

And they're on pace to have technology that

the government will never be able to catch up to at all.

It's almost as if there's a super government being created.

Yes.

And it's an oligopoly.

And it's an oligopoly and an oligarchy.

And there is no diversity of opinion.

There's no diversity of thought.

Just last year, you had one of the Google employees who dared send a memo about pushing back against gender stereotypes, something of that nature, which was not a controversial memo when you read it.

And he was fired almost instantaneously.

Ted Cruz brilliantly cross-examined the head of user experience at Google and asked her how many political contributions went to Hillary Clinton versus Donald Trump.

$0 to Donald Trump and over $1.2 million to Hillary Clinton.

And so we have to continue to signal the alarm against this, and you've done a great job of it.

And we saw what happened to Steven Crowder getting demonetized recently.

And they're going to continue to encroach on every single conservative content creator until we take a stand against it.

And I think your solution of

make them be treated as a publisher, not as a platform, platform, because they are acting as a publisher.

Yeah, they are.

They are.

Thank you so much, Charlie.

I appreciate it.

Charlie Kirk from TPUSA.

We'll talk to you again, and love to have you on next week after that to get an inside scoop on what exactly happened at that meeting in the White House.

All right.

Our sponsor, this half-hour.

By the way, we're going to end the show with a reading of the Gettysburg Address.

It's an amazing document and

was like two two and a half minutes long.

That's it.

And the original was thrown away because everybody thought, oh, that's not going to be that important.

And it is one of the most powerful speeches ever given, and it is relevant today.

We'll give that coming up in just a second.

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In hour one of this broadcast, we

went through the Declaration of Independence

and explained it.

I read it and we explained it and

looked at it and tore it apart and

looked at what they really meant.

Once you really understand the Declaration of Independence and you see that as our mission statement and our Constitution as our, you know, I don't know, our instruction guide,

you begin to understand

how this country was put together and why it was.

And we failed.

We stopped the slave trade, but we failed to stop slavery itself until a great war, the Civil War.

And Abraham Lincoln was a man who

was of few words.

And he was asked to go to Gettysburg at a great battle and dedicate the land to the dead.

And here is what he said.

Fourscore

and seven years ago,

our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation,

conceived in liberty

and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now,

we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure.

We are met on a great battlefield of that war.

We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives

that that nation might live.

It's altogether fitting and proper that we should do this, but

in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate.

We cannot consecrate.

We cannot hallow this ground.

The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, they have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.

The world

will little note nor long remember what we say here.

But it can never forget what they did here.

It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which those who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.

It is rather for us here to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave their last full measure of devotion.

That we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain.

That this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom and the government of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

I think that that is as relevant today as the day it first escaped Abraham Lincoln's lips.

It was something as he said.

People will make little note of what we said here, but we have now kind of all decided that it is one of the greatest speeches any American president has ever given.

It lasted about two and a half minutes.

We don't have the original because the original was thrown away.

But we do have in Lincoln's own handwriting the Gettysburg Address that he rewrote to be able to raise funds to help heal the wounded and the veteran.

We have that here at the Mercury Studios, and we would love for you to see it firsthand.

Join us at our museum this weekend here in Dallas, Texas.

Find out all the details and get your tickets now at mercury1.org.

This is the Glenbeck Program.