Rupert Lowe Warns of the Globalist Agenda Destroying the West and the Revolution Soon to Come

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So, the similarities between the U.S. and Great Britain are very obvious, often remarked upon.

But the one I notice the most is whenever you talk to people here, they say exactly what people in the U.S. say, which is nothing changes.

It doesn't matter if you vote for Boris Johnson or Rishi Sunak or Kier Starmer. You know, it's different parties,

Tory, Labor,

same result. What is that? Well, I think, Tucker, it's basically our democracy has gone badly wrong.
So

what happened is we are the mother of all parliaments, and we effectively were the genesis of true democracy. I mean, forget the Greeks for now, but let's just say we are modern democracy.

Democracy at scale. Athenian democracy was tiny.
Yep, but this is democracy at scale.

But they had the right concept, I think. And there's some great...
you know, great philosophers from that era.

But I think our parliament was structured so that you had MPs elected by the people, and they were effectively the people's representatives.

So the job of Parliament was ultimately to put the interests of the British nation first,

make decisions that was, first of all, and above everything else, in the interests of the nation.

But at the same time, there were internal rivalries about regional

competition between each of those MPs to try and do the best for their constituency as well. But most of of them were in some way invested in Britain.

They were landowners, they were businessmen, they were peers, they were

aristocrats. They actually had a big shareholding, if you like, in UK PLC.

And, you know, I look at prime ministers like Lord Salisbury, and I look at, you know, men who made great decisions.

And obviously, we can talk about Churchill, we can talk about the great leaders, Maggie Thatcher, who I loved.

We can talk about great leaders, but I think what's gone badly wrong, and this is why I've set up a movement, not a party, to unite common sense thought and to allow those people who share the view you've just outlined, that it doesn't matter who you vote for, the smorgasbord of opportunities that you've got at the moment, whether it's the Tories, whether it's Labour, whether it's the Lib Dems, whether it's the Greens, whether it's the Scottish National Party, whoever, they're all part of this dying

sort of remnant of what was Parliament. So I think we've got to have some form of,

in geological terms,

rejuvenation and uplift

to change the way in which we're governed and make sure that we re-empower the MPs, the elected representatives of the people, and we disempower the people who run Parliament, the Kwangos, the unelected civil servants, who are largely represented by the Permanent Secretaries, many of whom I now see on the Public Accounts Committee.

The country, Tucker, is just run by people who don't know which way is up.

So we've got a dying body of productive Brits who I have the greatest admiration for, who really fight all this regulation, this red tape, all of the oppression of government, of licensing, of regulations, of rules.

They fight their way through all this, not to mention huge taxes, which will probably increase dramatically tomorrow in order to basically debit the productive and credit the indolent.

The most extraordinary sort of

formula which is doomed to failure. But so I think we need

the people

who ultimately care about the country to rise up now. I don't think the way in which our government is structured is ever going to serve them well.

So all they will do is go around crying into their beer about the fact that they voted for, as you say, Rishi Sunak or they voted for Keir Starmer,

and they're all the same. There's no real difference.

I don't think you're ever stating it. I mean, look at their priorities.
They're both totally disconnected.

I'm an outsider, but I'm just watching this from thousands of miles away, but they seem totally disconnected from the actual country.

What happens here? What it's like, what it looks like, who lives here. They don't seem interested at all.

Well, I think what's happened is Parliament, as I say, whereas it was elected by the people and its interests were aligned with the people. now Parliament and the MPs,

an MP earns about £92,000 a year, something like that. I actually give my salary to charity each month.
I give it to a great Yarmouth charity.

But I think a lot of the MPs need that money. So

they've become dependent on that. They've obviously got status as an MP.

There's a lot of talk goes on in Parliament.

There's a lot of sort of video calls and meetings in Room P and know all sorts of stuff goes on and people feel important but actually are they delivering for the people i i would argue they're not so uh i i think we've got to have some form of massive change and i you know i i watch what's happening in the us

and i think we need some help from the us i i think i think what's happening

with donald trump and with with with jd vance and with with with rubio i i mean you've got some great people who are really trying to change the way things are going.

I think I blame you partly for infecting us with this DEI nonsense and all the other stuff that

is seeping into the veins of Britain. But I think you've realized that that's not the way forward.

That's not how we're going to get the quality of life and the common sense and the logic and the fairness that we used to have. We've got to expunge all that.

And the only way we're going to do that is by very strong people standing up and actually affecting change. And I, you know, I reflect on the U.S.

a lot because, as you probably know, that there was a man called John Lambert who played a part in the Civil War. Cromwell, Oliver Cromwell is one of my great historical heroes.
In the year Civil War.

In the British Civil War. Yeah.
He and Henry Irson,

when Cromwell won the Civil War,

he said.

He always said, if I lose one battle, I lose my head. The king can lose a hundred battles and he keeps his.
Well, he didn't fortunately lose a battle and he won the Civil War.

And then then they had to work out how to govern. And this guy, John Lambert and Henry Irton, wrote this thing,

this paper,

which ultimately guided,

it was called the Instrument of Power.

And its job was to effectively separate the powers that Cromwell was going to have as Lord Protector and put in the checks and balances, which is what you need in any form of democracy, proper checks and balances that controls

any sort of aggregation of power, which can be damaging. You need some power, but you don't want anybody to become omnipotent.
And

this is an incredible piece of work, which was then used in our Bill of Rights. And then some of it was lifted

by your founding fathers, Jefferson, Madison, Adams, and Jay,

who effectively played a big part in writing the U.S. Constitution, which is the best, I think, attempt at setting out

a sort of code for governance, which always returned power to the individual states and to the individual because it's always the individual who gets oppressed by the state.

And here we've got a state that now accounts for 50% of our GDP.

We've got, as I say, all these quangos, unaccountable people who are doing things which are damaging the interests of Britain, aggregating money and influence to themselves, but damaging the interests of those people they're supposed to be serving.

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One of the maybe the biggest factors scrambling every one of these calculations and eliminating the historical knowledge that you just displayed is mass migration.

This is very true in the United States as well. It's not just here, it's throughout the West.

But

what is that? That is the one thing that I notice as a foreigner coming here that does not change regardless of who's in power is this constant churn in population, millions of new people.

There's never been any indication that Native Britons want that.

No Native Americans, no one in the United States wants that. We've gotten it anyway.

In my country, they used to say we need to do this for economic reasons. We need the labor.
They don't say that anymore. No one explains why this is happening.
Why is it happening here?

What's your guess? Well, I think the essence of immigration is that targeted immigration is good. So

if you have a leadership of the country that can identify where skills are short, and you can actually attract people who've got those skills who are going to contribute to the economy and actually...

We have no dentists, let's import some dentists. Exactly, exactly.

But

you need to have a leadership who's capable of identifying where the shortages are.

And that's good immigration. It's targeted, it's small, and it basically improves the standard of living and the quality of life for the people in the country.
Is that happening here now? No,

I was just going to to go on to say that what's happened here is it's actually been turned on its head.

So what we're doing is we are allowing millions or hundreds of thousands of illegal migrants from different cultures to arrive by boat. And really,

since the war, we've also brought in lots of legal migrants who have, in some cases, contributed, but in many cases they still haven't integrated into what Britain is and what, you know, we are a Christian country,

we have our history, we have our roots and now we've got sort of pools of of of people from a different culture with a different belief and a different uh a different sort of outlook on life and that's getting worse so we are now and you're seeing this we're now seeing our best people leaving britain so the rainmakers are leaving in huge numbers now

the non-doms who used to be here are now have been uh taxed uh and they're leaving they don't have to be here as you know in the modern world world, you can basically do a job from almost anywhere in the world.

And what you have to do is create the conditions where people want to live somewhere. And 10, 15, 20 years ago, everybody wanted to be in London.

You know, when I was young, London was a place to be because it was deregulated, it was fun, you know, people actually could generate wealth.

You didn't have too much oppressive regulation and statism. And gradually it's been strangled, a bit like Gulliver.
So I think a lot of people, and a lot of my friends are leaving.

They're going to live in Dubai. They're going to live

in Milan. They're going to live in

Montenegro.

It could be almost Mauritius. It could be almost anywhere.
We just sent a whole load of English money out to Mauritius. I mean, they're getting tax cuts out there.

So, you know, we've given the Chagos Islands away when we didn't need to.

We've sort of,

I think, personally. Mauritius is an island in the Indian Ocean, far, far, far away.

Mauritius is an island in the Indian Ocean, but the Chagos Islands, basically a lot of Chagossians live in Crawley here.

and they didn't want us to, they didn't want to be part of Mauritius.

And what's happened is Keir Starmer and Hermer and Philippe Sands, this sort of bunch of human rights lawyers,

you may or may not know the history, we actually paid Mauritius some money in 1963 when we gave her independence.

So she had no claim on the Chagos Islands.

Arguably the Seychelles and the Maldives have a bigger claim on the Chagos Islands that are 1,300 kilometers away from Mauritius.

But these human rights lawyers have indulged their fantasies and at the expense of the British taxpayer, I mean, we don't quite know what the number is, it's somewhere between 18 and 30 billion over the next 90 years.

We've literally handed that to Mauritius who've now given a tax cut to their citizens on the back of it.

Have you committed a lot of atrocities in Mauritius? Why would you owe them billions of dollars? Well, but the Diego Garcia base, which is a lot of money.

No, I know the actual story.

But the Chagossians, a lot of them, live in Crawley here. So

know, they didn't want the deal to happen.

They basically don't like the Mauritians. But if you take three steps back, like, why would you do that? You would only do that if you hate yourself.

There's no potential for gain at all for you, your children, your country.

What is that? Well, I think a lot of them do dislike what Britain was.

I think they have this sort of hatred of colonial Britain, which, I mean, if you have a hatred of any form of colonialism, you have to have a hatred of the Belgian,

sort of colonization of the Congo. Or the New Empire or European European or even France's occupation

of North Africa. So they still occupy Africa to this day.
They do. No, they do.
They do.

Yeah, absolutely. But

I think, no, Britain may have done some things that weren't great, but on the whole, we've, I think, been a force for good. We've left, you know, sound legal systems in India.

We've done good things, not bad things. We voluntarily ended the slave trade.

You know, we actually cost us a lot of money. The British Navy was used to police

the cessation of the slave trade. So I feel very proud of Britain.
I love Britain, and I think these people,

these human rights lawyers, I actually despise them, Tucker. I think they're the enemy of Britain, and I don't understand what motivates them.
Well, so that's it.

It's clearly not a hatred of colonialism because Africa has been colonized at a scale never before seen by China. And they won't say a single word about that.
I mean, colonialism will never end.

The weak dominating the strong is just a feature of life. It's sad, but that's what it is.
They're not mad about that. They're only mad about the West.

Well, in the end, history will tell you that we always return to realpolitik. And railpolitik is basically

power ultimately dictates what happens. Of course.
And as you say, that's happening. China is very cleverly positioning herself, you know, in countries which are struggling for money.

Obviously, in Africa, I mean, her tentacles are going almost everywhere. And

I think China, in a way, is an extraordinary economy because

you've got this extraordinary relationship between

communism and their capitalism, which Deng tried to introduce, which has generated a sort of class of people who, and the Chinese are enterprising people who have generated wealth.

But then, you know, you've also got this communist bloc. And I visited

when I was chairman of Southampton, I visited Qingdao, where

Southampton's twinned with Qingdao. And it's an extraordinary sort of relationship.
So very much the capitalist

is effectively

in hoc

to the communists. So they control everything.
And if you look at what happened to Jack Maher, I mean, he built an incredibly successful business in Alibaba.

So I think that their blend of communism and capitalism, which if you dig deep, all their state-owned enterprises are incredibly indebted and almost bankrupt.

So I don't think her model is sustainable.

Meanwhile, she's generated huge amounts of foreign exchange from effectively,

if you like, she's undercut a lot of the Western

capitalists in solar panels and in other things. And she's running huge trade surpluses, even if internally her finances aren't great.
So I don't think her model is a sound model.

I think she is

actually quite a dangerous influence.

She,

I think, bears a very long memory. She never forgets what's been done to her in the past.

And I read an interesting book the other day by Colin Thubron called the Amur River. I don't know if you've read about the Ammur River.
It runs through Mongolia.

And it's the history of the relationship between Russia and China. It's a very good book to read, but she never forgets when people breach treaties.

It may not happen tomorrow, but it's logged and she remembers. Sell opium to her.
And we've done a few things. We've done a few things that she won't have liked historically.

So I think we've got to be very wary of China.

I'm in favor of basically liberating

what I see as one of the best and most creative economies in the world, which is Britain.

And if we can cut away all of the regulations, I mean, when I was young and I worked in the city, London was the almost the primary center. We had the Eurobond market.

We had a hugely powerful stock market. You know, we were raising money for people all over the world.
Everybody wanted to be in London. Gradually, the regulatory,

and again, you have to blame Tony Blair for a lot of this stuff.

A lot of the regulatory legislation, it was called the Financial Services Market Act 2000, that basically tied the city down and it started this over-regulation,

which has meant that London is now a shadow of its former self. So

we don't have a position. I mean, NASDAQ has flown on the back of London's failure.

You still have a much more capitalistic approach to your financial markets.

Ours are now so regulated that they've become arguably more interested in protecting the value of people's pensions than they have in matching risk capital with entrepreneurs, which is what they should be doing.

They feminized your finance. No, I've watched.

What does that mean? So what is the British economy now?

Well, I think the British economy is in pretty bad shape.

I don't even know what it is. I mean, I thought it was manufacturing, obviously, greatest manufacturing power in the world and the greatest goods in the world.

Still, like 100 years later, that's remarkable how well they're made.

Well, it's a service industry, a lot of it, as you know.

And Jimmy Goldsmith talked about this. I mean, Jimmy Goldsmith, great man, he saved the pan through the referendum party where the parties promised he doesn't ever get enough credit for it.

So he spoke very well about this. And it was happening in the 90s, really, when we were

outsourcing our manufacturing to cheap labor countries. And he forecast what would happen, which is that we would become...
a dependency culture rather than a culture of innovation.

Because actually, when you've got your factories in different parts of the world, it's there that the innovation takes place.

It doesn't take place in the consuming nations. So

I think what's happened is we've gradually been party, or our leaders have, to closing down our economy, damaging the interests of the British people.

But the British people are still incredibly creative. I have every faith in their ability if they're cut free.
But they've got to be cut free pretty quickly, Tucker.

I mean, our view is that if we haven't done it by 29,

it could be too late. But you know, so I don't have an election until 29.
There's not much time. There's not much time.
It certainly feels that way.

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And they're continuing, by the way, to change the population dramatically every year. So, like, the calculation changes every year, as does the culture, etc.

But I don't think you have an election. I think Labor's in charge until 29, unless I'm missing.
Labor's in charge until 29, but I think the Achilles' heel there, possibly, is the economy.

So you talked about what is the British economy. The British economy is, as you know,

as the American economy was, relied on something I hate called quantitative easing, which is basically getting high on your own suppliers.

It's basically what third world dictators used to do shortly before their currencies descended into chaos.

But because you've got this sort of manufacturing taking place in one part of the world and the consumption in another part of the world, they've been able to get away with it so far.

But it's still further hollowed out productive Britain. So I'm very worried about our level of debt.
You know, we're looking at a level of debt of around 100% of our GDP.

Our civil service pensions are off balance sheet and there's another

we don't know the exact number, somewhere between three and five trillion, maybe a bit more, which is probably 200% of GDP. That's not even on the balance sheet.

We have this accounting system called Oscar 2, which I think is probably delusional in that it leaves off chunks of liability and probably enhances chunks of the asset side of the balance sheet.

So I think we're delusional. I'm just waiting for our currency to collapse.
And I think when you say there's not going to be an election until 29,

we have the budget tomorrow where Rachel Reeves, who seems to believe that she can tax herself into wealth and prosperity, which nobody's ever done in history before. And I certainly.

Is Rachel Reeves? She's our Chancellor of the Exchequer. What's her background? Pretty impressive person.
Well, she's variously. She's Rachel from accounts or Rachel from complaints.

She told a few porkies about her CV, which she seems to have got away with, as did a number of other Labour MPs. Apparently, it's okay to embellish your CV these days, and nobody seems to care.

But you're not aware of any material accomplishments in her past. Very, very few.
I mean, she's not qualified to be doing what she's doing, but she's an incredibly

she's incredibly arrogant, I think. There's a blend of

arrogance and ignorance, which is always dangerous. We have that in our country.

So I think that the Achilles heel is if the economy starts to really go into reverse, which I think from my businesses, we're beginning to see orders slow,

the sort of carryover from the COVID money injections.

and from what the Tories did in their latter days, which kept the economy going to some extent, although

Britain's growth has been sclerotic for a hell of a long time now.

So, if we start to see

a challenge to our ability to

finance our deficits, and you probably saw, I mean, our deficit is just out of control. So,

you know,

it's going up every year. And in the end, if you have a deficit, you've got to finance it.

So

I always think the definition of credit is suspicion suspicion asleep.

So in the end, people who borrow or fund our debt, buy our guilts, if you like, at the moment they demand a premium in terms of income over other people's debts, over the US debt or German debt.

So eventually what they do is they decide they don't want to buy that debt. And then you can't fund yourself.
And then you have a funding crisis, a bit like we had in the mid-70s.

And in those days, we went to the IMF and we got the IMF to bail us out.

I'm not sure that the IMF would come and bail us out at the moment because I don't think an economy which basically robs the productive to fund the indolent and to fund welfare, I don't think the IMF would put up with that.

Well, I'm confused. So you're describing a country on the very brink of bankruptcy and solving.
I think we're very close to it.

But you're still importing hundreds of thousands of people every year as asylum seekers as if you're a global empire that can just like spend money with I don't call them asylum seekers because the majority of them aren't they're economic migrants but whatever they are so that's a big difference because of course but I don't even understand how

my country's insolvent also so I'm not just speaking of Britain but I don't understand how any France is probably worse than us if it's any constellation Tucker but I'm not really interested in

the bottom France is Europe's Mississippi you can always point to them and say it's worse but I don't understand how any country that's on the brink brink of not being able to serve its own people can decide to serve the world.

I just don't get that.

Well, this is where we're delusional because our own house isn't in order and we spend our lives worrying about what's happening everywhere else, including sending vast amounts of money overseas in overseas aid.

I mean, the countries that a lot of these people are coming from, we're sending them aid. I mean, Pakistan, for instance, I think we send £130

billion, £130 million a year to pakistan why just one example you tell me uh and a lot of the people are coming from pakistan so i i think it's just the people in power they get it they get a kick like latter-day emperors who used to travel around the world dishing out sort of uh cash i i think it gives them a lot of pleasure to think that they are these important people dishing out money we haven't got does anyone in london ever go to switzerland in the winter to ski or the south of france in the summer to relax i know they do.

Do they notice all the Ukrainians at the Hermes store using their money to buy handbags for 50 grand? Like, does anyone ever notice that? I think people have noticed the

Ukrainian money that's flowing into Monaco in particular. Exactly.
So the number of

Ukrainian registered Porsches in

Porsche's, Aston's, whatever in Monaco is massive. This is a country in the middle of a four-year-long existential war.

You would think people would be poor, but they're richer than ever not the people of ukraine but the people buying aston martins in monaco and you know spending ten thousand dollars on dinner and corshabal that money is your money my money does anyone

you and i know that some people make a lot of money out of war war works for some people but it's not not usually funded by other people's taxpayer like the war profiteers are a feature of every war of course but this is this kind of weird war where well i'm hoping and it looks like there's some hope that there's been a breakthrough today uh uh on that front i mean i i i feel for the young men who are on both sides who are definitely i agree who are needlessly losing their lives a bit like in our first world war you know we we i lost relations in the first and second world war but i mean those people if they looked at britain today or they looked at america today would would would they be prepared to give their lives as they did so valiantly in in the trenches in in in the u.s in um in europe and and and you know gallipoli and other other parts of the world.

And many of them, some of them were American people.

Including relatives of mine. Yes, I absolutely.
So would they feel comfortable? I'm not sure they would. And

I think I've always thought that an important element of what made certainly the US and the UK successful was this Protestant ethic, this ethic of...

of working hard, of contributing, of being part of something which is basically driven in order to create a better community.

And I think we've lost that ethic. And

we've now lost sight of what we are. And somehow we've got to get that back.
And if we don't get that back,

I don't think the outlook is very optimistic. I think it's not going to be good news.
How do you get that back?

Well, we're trying with Restore Britain.

We see a movement as being the key. So the only way to,

I think, show

the sclerotic, dying organs of power that they need to change what they're doing is for a mass movement to grow spontaneously, which we are seeing.

I mean, our social media recently has gone stratospheric. And I think people can see that we are trying our best to highlight the deficiencies in Parliament.

That's why it's so important to be in Parliament, because we're able to actually, from inside, expose exactly how deficient it all is.

And then with social media, and thanks to Elon Musk, you know, we actually have now got, I think, a far better, freer, more functional platform to get the message of what's happening out.

And actually, as you know, transparency is the best cleanser of any system, a transparent sort of look at what's going on, which is why very often a lot of these

administrations try and keep things as closed down as possible. I'm always a great believer in, you know, if it's transparent and open, it usually functions a lot better.

So,

I mean, look,

we haven't got long to do this. And I think the people, if they agree with us, need to now show that they agree and actually do something about it.
And I say to my friends,

they've had life too good.

They have leveraged off the back of the people who did fight in the war, who did create this post-war respect for the US, for the UK, for the winners, for the Anglo-Saxon

sort of alliance.

And in that, I obviously include New Zealand and Australia and

India to some extent, other parts of the world who fought for freedom. So I think we've got to stand up and be counted.

I don't think we can all sit back and think it's going to be okay and it's somebody else's problem. It's going to be everybody's problem soon.
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Some of what's happening here is so humiliating and it's designed to be humiliating, taking migrants and giving them better lodging, better conditions than native-born Britons, many of whom are poor.

That almost seems designed to infuriate people. It's too unfair.

I wonder, does it stay peaceful, the response to that?

Well, you hope it stays peaceful and legal, But, you know, we've seen, and again,

in response to the migrants, of course they shouldn't be allowing these people. I mean, we're quite clear, they should be detaining and they should be deporting all illegal migrants.

They are economic migrants, in my view, not asylum seekers. They've traveled through safe countries.
They have no reason to be here. And they should be detained and deported straight away.

And I think then we turn our attention to people who've been brought here legally, who aren't contributing to the country. They also need to be looked at and we need to decide how they work.

And then we also need to look at the 9 million people of working age who aren't contributing to our society. You know, they've been told it's okay to have mental health issues.

It's okay to, you know, stay at home, not work. 9 million non-working working age.
9 million people.

So how could you justify it? We also have these schemes like motability. I mean, the whole country is basically a fraud, if you look at it.
So, you know, these people get motor cars.

I think I'm right in saying 13% of new car registrations is motability, which basically are... I'm ignorant of what you're saying.

Motability is like a sort of scheme. So

if you tick enough boxes, you get a car paid for by the taxpayer, three-name drivers, all the insurance, and every three years you change the car. I mean, the whole thing is complete nonsense.

You get a new car every three years? Yeah. My friends buy old

motability vehicles when they've been used by these people who are on benefits. So, no, I look, Tucker, there's a lot wrong.
And we have to have a society. Britain voted for it.

Britain, the British people voted in 2016, despite the fact the government advised them not to, but they voted to take back their sovereignty from the European Union.

They voted for a British nation-state, right?

A nation-state's job is to protect the interests of its electorate, its taxpayers, its people who live here, who contribute, have contributed historically, who basically fill in their tax reform, write the check, work

every hour God gives, try and bring their families up and try and lead good lives. That's what we should be rewarding.
We should not be rewarding an indolent,

lazy culture. But as you probably know,

the socialist sort of view of life often benefits from a dependency culture because the people who are on dependency tend to vote for more dependency.

And this is why I think

the danger in the budget tomorrow is is that Rachel Reeves does lift the two-child caps. At the moment, if you're on benefits, there's a two-child cap for

benefits. She's intending to lift that.

And she's then intending to raise the taxes on productive Britain who can't afford to probably have more than two children so they can pay for people who aren't working who want to have more than two children.

So the whole thing is... completely arse about face.
And

I don't know how long it can go on before people do lose their temper. Hopefully they will join, restore Britain, and give us the platform to be able to lobby for change and to affect change now.

I don't think we've got time to wait. And I do think if the economic conditions turn down very badly, we will be forced into an election at some stage, and it may be before 29.

That's the Achilles here on the election. Where's the fierce island spirit that allowed Britons to rule the world? Well, that is a very good question.
I'm not being mean. I'm just being.

No, I think it's a very fair question and i i wonder i mean has everybody had life too good are they prepared to stir their stumps and actually contribute because there's no way that a few valiant people are going to be able to deliver this this has to be a mass movement of uh entirely it has to be a spontaneous movement i think it is happening i think it's beginning i think we can see through our social media we can see that people are concerned and i don't think it's a big jump from being concerned to actually doing something about it it but how can your average britain allow its government to arrest people for saying naughty words on social media thousands of people every year thousands well can they allow that why don't they surround parliament like lift it off its foundations or something seriously well as you and i know free speech is the absolute key to a functioning democracy you created it we created it this country created free speech we create and it's so important to everything and uh we we recently had a debate in parliament because with our membership now, we can,

in Parliament, you can have a debate or force a debate in Westminster Hall with 100,000 signatures on an e-petition.

So to your point,

the best example of this is probably Lucy Conley, who was caught up in the Southport, in

the whole sort of

emotional upheaval of the Southport killings.

where three young girls were stabbed to death.

And I think the country spontaneously reacted. Labour say it was some sort of right-wing planned.

Only right-wingers object to kids.

It's not. It was a spontaneous reaction across the country.

So Lucy Connolly posted something ill-advised, but arguably, you know, she deleted it three hours later, obviously after the heat had gone out of it.

She said that the people who did this came from a migrant hostel. But she went to prison for 30 weeks, I think it was.
Was it 30 weeks? I think something like that. A bit more than that, a bit more.

So she, but she came,

we hosted her in Parliament. Did she harm anybody?

No.

No.

I get death threats, Tucker, and we report it to the police.

Like, I've had eight death threats in the last three months, and we report it to the Metropolitan Police, and the square root of nothing happens. So

I would have thought

people making death threats is

far more dangerous than people posting something in the heat of the moment on social media that

they then redact. But you're a member of parliament.
I'm a member of parliament. Yep.
And you get death threats in the guns.

We get death threats on social media. But they took your guns away?

Well, that was because reform,

for some extraordinary reason, politically assassinated me and

made some false witness statements that I had

Mohammed Zia Rudin Youssef said that I had threatened him in a meeting, which was palpable rubbish, and that I stood over him and I was

threatened to hit him. Well, I'm 68 and he's 38, so that's a bad idea to start with.
And it just didn't happen like that.

So, you know, at the end of the day, we had a debate about Great Yarmouth and my branch office in Great Yarmouth, no more, and the WhatsApp chain proved it.

But he gave this witness statement, and then Lee Anderson gave a witness statement to say that I was going around Parliament saying I was a very fine shot and I was going to shoot Zia Youssef. Well,

as a result of which, the Metropolitan Police arrived mob-handed and took my guns away. And it took me about five months to get them back.

So, look, and they also suggested I had early onset dementia, which was, again, pretty unpleasant thing to do. Do they have any evidence? I don't think I've got early onset dementia.

Not that I'm aware, but I obviously, you know, those people who do have it, it's a pretty horrific thing to have. Oh, of course it is.

And if I did have it and they'd said that, it would have been even more unpleasant. So, you know,

I hope I haven't got it.

I hope I haven't got it, Tucker. You know, anyway, anyway, so we, again, fortunately,

I'm able to fund the legal costs required. I was able to go on the attack.
And I think,

you know, what they did was just morally and

in

every other way wrong.

But this country, its authorities can show up and take your guns without producing a conviction, putting you on trial, proving you did anything wrong.

No, this country is going badly wrong.

I mean, it is going badly wrong. But I think that's probably a symptom of of the fact,

you know, we've lost our way.

People aren't as principled as they used to be.

And ultimately, it's a function of statism. I mean, it used to happen in the Soviet Union when

you get central planning and you get Stasi-like behavior. Yes.

You get little people making malign decisions behind closed doors and damaging the interests of the good people.

So I always say in Russia when the USSR, that the qualification you needed to best survive was to be a very good liar.

And I think, as a result of that, you know, your entire fabric of your society starts to fall apart, which is what happened with them. Nobody takes any responsibility.

And then, what was it, a generation and a half later, the whole thing imploded. But on the way, a lot of people died, and a lot of people had a pretty hellish life.

Not least, one of my favorite characters, Alexander Solzhenitsyn,

who I I think made some very

meaningful comment about sort of people being free and equal and equal and free.

Or not equal and not free, whichever way you want to look at it. So he made some great comments.

Certainly did. I think we are suffering from too much central planning, too much statism, and too many small people in positions of influence.

Last question, I look at what's happening in Ireland, and I know complicated relationship between the two countries, but what's happening to Ireland with mass migration is basically identical to what's happening here in Great Britain, and it's also happening in Australia and Canada and the U.S.

It's so close, like almost precise. It's the same template.

That cannot be an, like, what is that? What are the forces pushing that? Well, I think we have to ask ourselves, why did the post-war elite think

that this experiment with multiculturalism was a good idea? Yes. And

I don't think any of them have ever really answered that question. I think obviously Ireland is a function of what's happening here.

I mean, you've obviously got the wretched Northern Ireland Protocol, which morphed into the Windsor Agreement, which is shocking division of the United Kingdom, which effectively was,

if you like, sacrificed on the altar of Brexit.

But on the multiculturalism, and again, this goes to, you probably know we've got a big... Can I repeat what you just said? Because I think I want the question to hang in the air.

Why did the post-war elite, I think I'm quoting you, decide that this multiculturalism experiment was a good idea?

I don't know. I think it's a...
It's a thoroughly bad idea. I like

nation states who interface with each other, who respect each other, who respect each other's culture, and who

basically,

you know, interface with each other like that to try and create this.

And again, does it go to the World Economic Forum? Is it the Bilderbergers? Is it the Council on Foreign Relations? Look,

where does the truth lie? I mean, I find it, probably like you do, incredibly difficult to work out where the truth lies often in

our modern age.

Most people want to live a healthy...

life centered around their community and their family and and and they want to you know be able to wake up in the morning and feel that they've done the right thing by everybody.

But

it does seem that there is this malign agenda to break down families, to break down communities, to create this multicultural world

where I guess arguably a small global elite are able to exert undue influence on how everybody else leads their lives.

That's the only solution I can come up with

with my limited intellect, but it doesn't add up, does it? It doesn't make sense.

Honestly, it doesn't.

And I remember hearing people 30 years ago hint that there was some multinational or pan-global conspiracy from the groups you just mentioned and thinking this is obviously a mentally ill person talking.

And now you just watch the accumulated evidence is overwhelming. This is not organic.
It's not the product of democracy. It's not in the interests of our country.

It's not in the interest of your country. And no one wants it.
It's not in the interests of Ireland and none of the electorate want it. So how are we getting it all at the same time?

Well, it's a very good question, Tucker.

I just don't know the answer to that.

But what I do know is the people who care about it happening need to now coalesce and actually start to show those people who are perpetrating this on us that they don't want it.

And if that means that they get turfed out of power, that's what's got to happen. We've got to turf them out of power and make common sense prevail.
It's common sense we're lacking everywhere.

But I think there are, you know, as I said, there are some signs that um that that that in in the us

you know people have people are beginning to address it and people are beginning to take action um but it's it's like walking through glue isn't it i mean that the the that there's this there's this malign power base that's that doesn't lie down very easily uh and it's it's always there waiting to pounce again

thank you very much rupert for talking to me that was great pleasure

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