The Life and Times of Sherman, Grant and DJT

1h 6m

In this weekend episode, Victor Davis Hanson with cohost Sami Winc explores the current assaults on DJT, the memories of the winners of the Civil War, the arrest of Pavel Durov and other tales of political expediency.

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Transcript

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Hello, and welcome to the Victor Davis Hanson Show.

This is our weekend episode, and we are looking at a few more news stories.

There's been so much out this week.

On the agenda is the assassination attempt of Donald Trump, always new evidence there, and Jack Smith's renewed indictment of Donald Trump.

And we'll get to those stories and more after these messages.

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Welcome back to the Victor Davis Hansen Show.

Victor is the Martin and Ely Anderson Senior Fellow in Military History and Classics at the Hoover Institution and the Wayne and Marsha Busky Distinguished Fellow in History at Hillsdale College.

You can join him at his website, victorhanson.com.

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Victor, so we have

a lot of information coming out on this assassination.

They even interviewed one of the FBI's snipers.

And so I personally can't make sense of it.

I know that everybody's seeking: are these agencies complicit or just negligent?

But what are your reflections on the assassination information to date?

Well, we know some known knowns and we know some known unknowns.

The known knowns is no one, not even the

Secret Service hierarchy says that what happened was just an accident or it was

there was no laxity on their partner.

They have suspended a number of agents, Secret Service agents.

The director of the Secret Service has stepped down.

So they understand that they cannot run that agency the way they're doing or they're going to get presidential candidates or presidents killed.

So that's established, okay?

Everybody understands that this Mr.

Crooks, this young kid, who I think only had about a year training,

should not have been able to go through

and to be found out with a range finder.

Why do you have a range finder to go to a pep rally

and then to climb up on a building in which there were people, law enforcement inside the building and to be seen and and to have a clear shot at the president with no drones and no communications between local, everybody, I could go on, but you get the picture.

So then that begs the question.

Well, why did it happen?

And there's two points of view.

One, there's the conspiratorial view

that

people of the administrative or deep state feel that Donald Trump will fire them.

He might clean house on the CIA, the FBI, the Secret Service, the IRS, you name it, Pentagon, and therefore they either freelanced on their own or there was a conspiracy from their superiors.

That's the minority view.

I'm not endorsing or rejecting anything.

I'm just trying to articulate them.

So don't, I hope people don't think I'm a conspiracist.

The other view, which I tend to favor, runs something like this.

Most of the people

in the FBI and the Secret Service at the top administrative levels do not like Donald Trump.

They don't like him personally, but they don't like what he represents.

And when they were tasked to protect him,

that dislike permeated their lackadaisical coverage of

his details.

So

it went something like this in this second narrative.

Well,

do we really need to get the local law enforcement, get him on the same channel?

Ah, you know, he's just a blowhard at the rally.

It'll just go away.

Oh,

drones.

I don't want to deal with a drone.

Oh, somebody found the guy's walking around.

Everybody's yelling at him.

Eh,

that's Trump's fault, not mine.

That kind of attitude.

You know what I mean?

I'm kind of exaggerating.

And that got Trump almost killed.

But I don't have the answer, but then we come to the mysterious things that the Secret Service is going to have to explain.

And one of them is

why did the FBI director try to say it was a shard of glass?

How many actual shots were fired?

Was it really eight?

And do we have the casings match all the shots on the sound?

Why are his parents getting a high-priced

legal team?

Are they under suspicion?

Or are they being scapegoated?

Are they complicit?

Why are they doing that?

You know what I'm saying?

And then in addition,

where did he learn, where did he get the gun from his father?

Why would his father do that?

And what was the relationship between them?

Why would they cremate the body?

Why would they do that?

Because all.

You know, if you have conspiracy people who say, well, he wasn't shot by the

FBI or Secret Service or local, whatever their theory is, you have the casing, you know, the bullet going into him.

Was it retrieved?

Did it fragment?

I don't know.

And so there's a lot of questions they have not answered yet.

Who was in charge?

Who made the decisions?

I guess these are the suspended officers who made the decisions not to have proper security.

But why?

What's their background?

Are they Peter struck like, you know, where they communicate on government text and exhibit their hatred for MA people and make fun of them.

We don't know any of this, but something has to be told to the American people.

It's not sustainable.

And more importantly, as I said last time,

if you on the left keep

equating Donald Trump to a mass murdering Adolf Hitler, and you do it with impunity, and you keep driving that home and you call him these names,

I'm not saying that he doesn't call people names, but he, you know, he doesn't say you're a mass murderer he says that kamala harris is stupid but if you call donald trump hitler and a fascist and a nazi

and then a would-be shooter thinks he would be canonized and iconic forever for reifying those accusations and then he looks at the career of this what 21 year old punk and he says if a 20 year old 21-year-old punk can almost shoot the president and get through security, then surely I can.

So that's a dangerous combination.

And

especially as the vitriol increases in this campaign.

Yeah, and they seem to be heightening it.

Yeah.

When you see people like Quentin Tarantino interviewing, I mean, Bill Maher is a man of the left, and I think he cowardly was agreeing with Tarantino.

Usually he's...

contrarian but he said yeah yeah yeah yeah yeah

but tarantino wasn't even rational he was just kind of on a rant.

You know what I mean?

Just ranting and using the F-bombs, every other word.

And I don't care F, F, F, just win.

He was basically saying, do whatever you have to do to win.

And if that means anything goes.

And if you have that attitude, then you create a climate that's very dangerous.

You really do.

Yeah.

And he's the least of them.

There's people who are much more overt.

I mean, if you think about it, what does Snoop Dogg have in common with Madonna?

Or, yeah, Madonna, Snoop Dogg, the Royal Shakespearean, the

New York and the Park Shakespearean troupe,

Kathy Griffith,

Mr.

Berdine, the late chef.

They all have one thing in common.

They all have threatened the life of Donald Trump,

either by burning him or decapitating him or poisoning him or stabbing.

These are not fringe characters or in the mainstream or maybe Robert De Niro,

you know, I want to beat him in the face, hit him in the face.

Or Joe Biden, I want to take him behind the gym.

He said that on two occasions and beat him up.

Well, if that's the leadership saying they're going to do that, then what does some unhinged person think will be the reaction?

if he does what they have talked about but didn't do.

He thinks he'll be famous and beloved if he's that unhinged.

Haven't they become unhinged against even J.D.

Vance?

It seems to me I have a vague memory of somebody saying,

you know, he's beyond the pale, but in much more violent terms.

No, they hate him.

And that's...

Yeah.

They hate people who tell the truth and they can articulate and especially and he

and then they they are not white males that are conservative are not exempt species there's a level of vitriol that can be aimed at them that cannot be aimed at kamala harris or barack obama i know there were fringe people on the right who you know all that but

in general proper

bipartisan discourse you can say things about a white male conservative that you cannot say about Oprah, for example.

I mean, OPA made a fool of herself.

She went out in front of the nation and basically she's worth four to five billion, billion dollars, lives in a mansion, big private jet, and she says she's been on the receiving end of racism.

Well, everybody's been on, that would be like, I mean, in

this age, how could she be on the receiving end of racism where her forte and her trade was talking to 99% white women in the 1980s and 90s who were home watching her on daytime TV and hanging on every word she said.

It would be impossible.

How could Michelle say that this, oh, he hates us when we're black when a black man, Barack Obama, got more white votes than John Kerry did?

It doesn't make any sense.

No, it doesn't.

You know what's been bothering me that doesn't really make any sense either about that Democratic National Convention?

They were chanting USA like you see in a Republican convention, but they have all those anti-racists, racists who hate white people, anti-colonists who hate any Western power, which I don't know.

That was all fake.

All the

blue.

What they do is, this is what they do.

Everybody knows what they do.

Everybody listening knows what they do.

They say to themselves,

My agenda and my feelings about this country are not shared by the majority.

And I want power to push through an agenda and values and revolutionary ideas that are not palatable to most people.

Ergo.

I have to lie about my agenda and I have to feign that I love this country so that I can push through policies that people, if they were aware of my motives and the exact details of my initiatives, they would not support.

So I'm going to fool them with USA, USA, red, white, and blue.

I'm for a secure border.

I'm against

critical race theory.

Woke is a little bit too extreme.

All that.

It's all a duplicitous

joke, con job.

It's just, everybody knows it.

I don't know.

That's kind of why I admire

Bernie Sanders, because he just ran as an overt communist.

You know what I mean?

Yeah.

He said, I went to the Soviet Union.

I love the Soviet Union.

And

he just ran on basically taking stuff from people and giving it to other people.

And that's what he was.

He didn't really soften anything.

Yeah.

The modern Democratic Party is just adding a new level to corrupt politician,

corrupt DC.

It's just corrupt.

It's just totally corrupt and it's corrupted by big money.

Everything about the Democratic Party is projectionist.

They say, oh, the Republican Party has been hijacked by MAGA.

95% of the agenda of MAGA was what Mitt Romney ran on.

Mitt Romney said he would build a bigger wall than any of his candidates in the primary.

I remember he said that.

And he said he was going to have what?

Voluntary deportation?

They will come and they'll volunteer to be deported, but if they don't, we'll deport them.

He was, there was no difference, really.

I'm not saying he would have done it, but this Democratic Party is not anything like JFK, even Jimmy Carter's or Bill Clinton's party.

It's just completely unhinged.

And they know it.

They're revolutionaries.

They know it.

And they know that nobody wants what they have.

They know that.

So therefore, they do these constructs and deceptions.

And I've heard more than once this week, if you want to see what Kamala Harris will do to the United States, look at what's happening to California.

And Gavin Newsom has a bill on his desk that made it through the California Assembly that will guarantee $150,000

to illegal immigrants in buying their first home.

Well, if he signs that, he'll never be president.

He knows that.

No,

he'll never be president if he signs that.

Because as soon as he gets on a debate stage, a Republican candidate will say, you,

Gavin,

inflated the price of houses by $150,000 and you gave this benefit to people who had broken the law and were here illegally when

about half the average price of a home in California is about $900,000.

And you won't help Californians who are U.S.

citizens.

It's just that's a no-brainer.

Yeah.

And he's already been re-elected, so what does he care that the fringe, nutty legislature hates his guts if he vetoes it?

I'm not saying he's going to veto it, but that would be the smart political thing to do.

Yeah.

And then pose as if he was a Bill Clinton type of character.

And he made that remark we mentioned before that he was supposed to say that it was an open convention, ha ha ha.

He knows what's going on.

Yeah.

He knows what's going.

Well, Victor, let's go ahead and change channels here and look at Jack Smith, who has, since his earlier case did not or fell apart, he renewed his indictment of Donald Trump and he wants to get around the immunity clause.

So he dropped a lot of things that were in the former case, but he's just represented the same case.

Do you think that that's going to work?

I hope not.

He's a very sinister character.

He was the one that went went after the former Virginia governor and tried to destroy him.

And then the Supreme Court reversed that conviction nine to zero.

And that was what recommended him, I guess, to

Merrick Garland.

And by the way, any of you are saying, no, he's an independent counsel.

No, he's not.

The independent counsel statute expired under Bill Clinton.

And the courts had ruled after that that if you want to have a special counsel, then you have to have a congressional vote, a congressional vote, or you have to have a law renewing that statute.

He didn't.

He works for Merrick Garland.

Merrick Garland, he's the equivalent of a federal attorney, a regular federal attorney.

All he is, is a federal attorney who was assigned to go after Donald Trump by Merrick Garland.

So don't start any of that stuff that he's an independent counsel.

He's not.

He's a political appointee made by a political appointee.

And

Andy McCarthy went through that very carefully and tried to show that he has no legal authorization to do what he's doing.

He has no mandate as a special counsel, the title, any of that.

It's not legal.

He's just a DOJ prosecutor,

and he should have the same rights and limitations on that.

That's number one.

And number two, he knows that there had been a rule in the DOJ DOJ that you don't have high-profile political indictments of major people involved in the political process right before an election.

They just don't do it.

And you can see why they don't do it, because it would be tit for tat.

And yet, this is what he's doing.

He tried to speed it up and

try Donald Trump right before the election.

Then he found out that the President of the United States has immunity for things he does while he's in office, not personal thing, but he's charging him with citing an insurrection.

If Donald Trump incited an insurrection, you know what he would say?

He would get out on January 6th.

He would not say,

assemble peacefully and patriotically at the Capitol.

He would not say that.

He would say this.

This is a movement.

This is a movement.

Beware.

This is not going to to stop.

It shouldn't stop.

This is going to go all the way to the next election day.

Beware.

It's not going to stop.

It shouldn't stop.

I don't want it to stop.

Right?

And then he would get on Twitter and say, we have to bail out all these people.

So that's what Kamal Harris said.

And we're trying to honor Trump for something that was tame in comparison.

And by the way, if you say, well, they're different.

No, they're not different.

Federal property, they burned a federal courthouse.

They didn't burn the Capitol.

They burned a federal courthouse.

They tried to burn a police precinct with everybody in it.

They destroyed an iconic, they tried to destroy an iconic church.

They tried to go on federal property.

They tried to storm the White House ground.

They attacked and injured 1,500 policemen.

35 people died, $2 billion in damage.

And right in the middle of all that, in June, July, that's what she was talking about.

And she was angling to be the vice presidential nominee.

So she wanted to sound as George Floydy as possible.

And that's what she did.

And no one said a word.

The fourth thing is,

so let me just recap.

He doesn't have a legal mandate.

as a special counsel.

There's no legal authorization for him to exist.

Number two, he speeded up this trial for political reasons to coincide with the election cycle.

Right?

Number three,

if he's going to go after people for insurrection, a president or a nominee or any major political figure, then he better look at Kamala Harris because her rhetoric was much more insightful at a time when the riots were much more damaging.

And

there's a final thing.

Number four,

there's no symmetry here.

Joe Biden was a senator for over 35 years.

He took out classified documents to his residence.

Mar-a-Lago is a very secure place.

It's one residence.

Joe Biden took documents not just for at one occasion.

He took them over a decade or two.

He took them to a garage.

He took them to an office.

He took them to

one of his,

I don't know what you would call it, the Joe Biden Center.

Number two, when you look at that,

he

disclosed classified information to his ghostwriter.

They're on tape.

And when they were asked about that,

they destroyed the transcript.

I guess the ghostwriter did, because he said he didn't want it to be hacked.

So think about this.

Material under subpoena.

What if Donald Trump destroyed material under subpoena?

What would Jack Smith do?

And that's what they did.

They did nothing to the ghostwriter.

Nothing.

So it's so bogus.

It's so asymmetrical that I don't think he's going to get away with it.

I think he's going to, the more that he digs down and digs deeper, the more ridiculous he looks.

And this is well aside from the Alvin Bragg sentencing that's coming out.

There's still that.

And believe me, if Donald Trump is four or five points

ahead, then Bragg and Smith will hasten their prosecutions.

In the case of Bragg, he will try to put Donald Trump in jail or really get punishment that hurts him in the election, because that's what these indictments were intended to do.

They could have been filed in 21.

They could have been filed in early 22.

They waited.

and waited and waited to coincide with the 24 election.

All four of them, plus Gene Carroll.

Yeah.

Well, Victor, let's go ahead and take a break and get to our cultural segment, which is going to be on memoirs.

And we will do that in just a moment.

So stay with us and we'll be right back.

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Welcome back to the Victor Davis Hansen Show.

You can find Victor on his ex

site.

The handle is at V D Hansen and on Facebook at Hansen's Morning Cup.

So come join us there.

Victor, so I'm excited.

We're going to talk about the memoirs of Ulysses S.

Grant and William Tecunce Sherman and really the value of these memoirs to our history and our heritage.

So let us have it.

Well, we're in the 19th century now and we're talking, we did Alexis de Cockeville.

And I'd like to talk about two memoirs, kind of twin memoirs.

One was by the commander of the Army of the West in the Civil War, William Tecumseh Sherman.

And 10 years after the war, he wrote a two-volume memoir, Memoirs of W.T.

Sherman, 1875, when he was about 55 years old.

10 years later, a younger Grant, who was younger than Sherman, wrote his memoirs.

And he was dying of throat cancer at the time, and he was in an extraordinary pain.

He was flat broke.

He had been guilty of trusting some young investors that had basically established a Ponzi scheme.

His presidency had not been,

it had not been unsuccessful.

There were good things about the Grant president, but now it was overshadowed by corruption.

He was broke and he was dying.

And Mark Twain, Samuel Clemens, the great writer, went to him and said, I can help you.

I have a publishing company.

And he

gave him 30%

of the

royalties, not 10.

And more importantly, he drafted veterans to peddle this book.

And the first type of, you know, world book or Encyclopedia Britannica, people would come to your door.

That's what they did with this book.

And they sold,

I don't know, 350,000 copies.

And they made Julia Grant his widow.

And he died just a few days after it was published.

And so.

His widow got in today's dollars somewhere between 10 and 15 million dollars from it and saved the family.

So there was a heroic nature about Grant's.

They were very different memoirs in very different ways.

Sherman's is more of what we call in classical rhetoric the Asiatic style.

The sentences are longer.

It's more Victorian.

It's beautifully written, but it's more like Gibbon.

Grant is more like Ernst Hemingway.

I saw the problem.

I moved quickly.

I wrote the following orders.

It's Tacitian, Thucydidean,

what we call the attic style.

His is two volumes too.

Both of them don't really talk about their young lives prior to being

at West Point.

Sherman was ahead of Grant at West Point, and he didn't serve in the Mexican War.

Grant did.

So there's more about the war itself.

Grant says that it was a terrible war,

but I don't think the narrative supports that because he obviously

thought very little of the people he was fighting against and very highly of the people he was fighting with.

But the main issue is

Lincoln, when the war started, Grant was a nobody,

a grocer from Galena, Illinois, and Sherman had had a checkered history.

Both of them had been unemployed.

They'd gone from job to job.

Sherman had gone broke.

Grant was already starting to drink.

Sherman finally landed a job, his first successful job, which at what would become Louisiana State University.

And then, of course, the war broke out, so he had to leave.

Grant was put in the West, you know,

and Sherman distinguished himself

at Bull Run and the Union defeat.

He was given a major command, and then he was basically declared insane because he said that the war would go on for four or five years.

There would be three or four hundred thousand deaths and the North could lose the war.

And they said, Sherman, crazy.

They thought the war would be over in 90 days.

So he was relieved of command,

disgraced.

At this very moment, Grant, that he vaguely knew, started to get positions of local command in the West.

And lo and behold,

at Fort Henry and then at Fort Donaldson, he was the first real Union commander to win decisive victories in the West.

And that's where the war was going to be decided.

Because whoever controlled the Mississippi River and broke off the Western part of the Confederacy, the Confederacy was going to be doomed.

And it was very important to get the Western states, their natural resources, their population

safe from the Confederacy, but more importantly, their manpower engaged in the war.

And I'm not talking about the far west.

I'm talking about what is now the Midwest,

central part of the country.

And so they wrote about their

memoirs, and they didn't, they were very different people.

Sherman was very loud, spoke, loud,

erratic, absolutely brilliant.

Grant was very smart, cunning, but kept his cards close to his vest.

When

Abe Lincoln went through McClellan and Pope

and Burnside and Hooker and Halleck and all the rest of them,

he finally came to the conclusion after the Battle of Shiloh in April of 1862.

Sherman was rehabilitated.

Grant said, I will give you a division.

And fortunately or unfortunately for Sherman, that division was the

locus of the Confederate surprise attack, and they overwhelmed the entire Union line.

And guess what?

Sherman got three horses shot out from under him.

He got shot in the hand.

He got shot in a leather belt.

And he emerged the next day.

If Sherman did not panic, Sherman holds the line.

And then the next day, General Buell sent reinforcements.

There's a whole...

debacle about the turnpike and Lew Walls, but the basic story is the Union won.

And the Union won big in the most bloody battle since the Revolution, more than the Revolution, of all the battles in the Revolutionary War.

And suddenly, Sherman and Grant were the heroes.

Sherman, more by

absolutely than Grant, because Grant had been supposedly drinking.

But the point is that after Fort Henry Donaldson, Shiloh, Grant was in command, and Sherman said to Grant when they were critical of almost losing it in the first

day,

you stood by by me when I was crazy and I'm standing by you when they said you were drunk.

And he didn't try to absurp him and take command and he could.

Well, very quickly, Grant was made the general of the Army of the Potomac with the job of preserving the North south of Washington.

And Sherman was given the Army of the West in Tennessee.

And they were supposed to work together.

But they worked together, but in a way that no one had imagined.

Grants thought his idea was about Switzerland.

He was going to take the direct approach and wear down Robert E.

Lee.

Robert E.

Lee was not effective, given his resources, going into Pennsylvania.

Gettysburg was an utter disaster after Chancellorsville and Fredericksburg were successful.

But he was a master of defense.

And Grant knew that.

And he had created an impenetrable defense around Richmond.

And to win the war, they thought they had to take Richmond and destroy Lee's army.

Sherman said, don't do it.

Or if you're going to do it, just hold him, because the war is not going to be won by losing another 100,000 Union soldiers in a meat grinder.

And they will not be able to take Richmond.

They're dug in, and Bobby Lee's too tough.

Hold him there, and I will go around the flank.

I will invade Georgia.

I will go to the second

most important city of the South Atlanta.

I will disrupt the entire transportation system of the South.

And then once I burn down,

and he didn't mean to burn down, I mean, he didn't promise, but he said, if you don't get the civilians out and you keep shelling me, I'm going to shell you and it's going to burn.

And that's what happened.

And then everybody thought Lincoln was going to lose the election.

McClellan had been running from the right and wanted a negotiated settlement.

John C.

Freeman had been running from the left and said

Lincoln had not, you know, passed abolition for the entire southern

Confederate states.

And guess what?

Sherman pulled into Atlanta on

September 2, 2nd, 1864, and said, Atlanta is ours and fairly won.

And you could not beat Lincoln after that.

And then everybody thought Sherman would stop.

And he said, the war will not be won

by just destroying an army.

You have to humiliate and destroy the infrastructure that supplies the army.

In other words, you just don't take an apple and squash it.

You destroy the tree that produces the apple.

This was very radical because that's not the way European Napoleonic warfare had been fought.

So rather than just reuniting with Grant, he took off in a 50-mile swath, 180 miles, right through Georgia.

He deliberately did not attack poor people.

He didn't burn private homes.

He targeted in a 50-mile

width all of the great plantations of the rich state of Georgia right after harvest.

And he freed 40,000 slaves.

He got to Hal Cobb, the governor of Georgia.

He burned down the mansion.

And everybody said he was a killer, rapist.

No,

you know that's not true because Hal Cobb left his wife and daughter because he knew that when Sherman pulled up to their plantation, they would not hurt them.

And he didn't.

And he plowed his way all the way to Savannah, Georgia by Christmas.

And everybody said, oh my God,

you've humiliated Georgia.

You're behind the lines.

They have no transportation.

And then he said, I'm not done.

I'm going up to the Carolinas to meet

Grant.

I'm going to pull in right behind Robert E.

Lee.

And he said, well,

All of these armies, what happened to John Bell Hood and Hardy and Broxton Bragg and Joe Joe Johnston?

Well, they all talked about hitting, fighting this army, but unfortunately for them, there were 65,000 and they were not Irish or German immigrants off the boat.

They were not a revolving door army like the Army of the Potomac, Washington-based.

These were of the regiments about

Oh, 250 of 280 or some regiments.

They were from Wisconsin, Iowa, Illinois, Michigan.

And they were all farmers.

A lot of them were Germans and Scandinavians, and they had been used to hard work living outdoors.

So when they got into, they weren't city fellas.

So when they got to Georgia and even in the winter in the Carolina, they thrived.

And he called them bummers.

They were allowed to take all of the corn, beef, poultry.

pigs they needed,

burn down what they wanted, not to kill people gratuitously.

They lost only about

200 people on the way to Savannah and maybe 1,000 on the way, and they pulled up right behind Robert E.

Lee.

Grant never was able to break through the fortifications around Richmond.

Robert E.

Lee surrendered because Joe Johnson,

his

supporting general to his rear, had surrendered to Sherman, and Sherman was coming up with his huge army of the West and would have destroyed Lee.

And he was in the pincers.

And the weird thing about it was neither one of them

attacked the other person.

Sherman was becoming more famous than Grant was.

Grant was much more famous in the beginning, but after the March to the Sea and coming to the Carolinas and Grant was stonewalled and he suffered all of these terrible casualties,

you know, at Cold Harbor and places like that.

Union public opinion was pro-Sherman, but Sherman was very magnanimous.

Then after the war, Sherman said, I have no political aspirations.

They wanted to draft him for president.

Grant did.

Sherman said, I hope you don't do that because it'll ruin you.

And it almost did.

So anyway, after it was all over, Sherman wrote his memoirs 10 years after the war, 10 years before Grant, and explained his theory of warfare.

So it's not just a memoir of how he won the war or his earlier career, how much of a failure he was compared to his great success.

It was a larger Liddell-Hart-like exegesis on when you fight a war, you try to avoid the enemy and therefore

casualties.

You try to go to the rear or the indirect approach and destroy their infrastructure, their ability to transport troops, to raise food,

to create weaponry.

Grant's Grant's memoir is more, you go head-on at Shiloh, you go head-on at the wilderness, you go head-on at Cold Harbor, and you break the army.

If you break the army, they don't have anything else.

One requires enormous sacrifices.

Union Army lost 400,000 dead.

The other instills great anger because you're destroying property.

And

Machiavelli said, a man will forgive you if you kill his father, but he will never forgive you if you destroy his inheritance.

And that's what Sherman did.

So these memoirs are not just of two different people that were very close to each other,

but of two men whose views were very different about how the war should be waged.

And yet, even though the press and the media, I should say the newspapers tried to turn one against the other, they came up with this brilliant

explanation that

they were complementing each other.

And it was, as Sherman said,

Grant

grabbed the animal by the face and held him firm, and I came around and kicked him in the rear end.

And that was as if

no one would have been successful without the other.

Grant would have been overrun or would have squandered his army trying to

beat his head against Richmond if it hadn't been for Sherman coming around the backside and terrifying Robert E.

Lee.

On the other hand, if Lee had been freed to go meet Sherman on

the March of the Sea, it might have been different, but he couldn't because Grant was holding him tight.

And these memoirs then reflect that, and they're written in a very different style, but they're very engaging and they were very controversial.

When Sherman's came out,

he

explained his reluctance

to

get into politics.

He wished Grant hadn't.

People ran to Grant and said, Sherman trashed you.

He said he wrote a wonderful memoir.

He should not change one word.

It's absolutely truthful and honest, and that's exactly what one would expect from William to come to Sherman.

And Sherman said the same thing about Grant.

Wow, that's really cool.

Yeah, their classic memoirs are the the best things written about the Civil War.

Yeah.

Still are.

And

they're wonderful.

He even has something, Sherman's early career when he was a banker in San Francisco.

He talks about the San Joaquin Valley.

He went from what is now, I think, San Juan Batista, and he went up to the Sierras.

And that was one of the reasons that the two largest

Sequoia gigantea in the world are named General Grant in Kings Canyon and General Sherman in Sequoia National Park.

Yeah.

Well, are there any, just to finish this off, are there any weaknesses to these memoirs as far as historians, as far as our heritage?

Well,

there was a argument that Sherman had been really unfair.

He could not stand the Secretary of War.

Stanton, and

he could not stand Halleck,

and he dismissed the Southerners.

Basically, his view of the South, he was very sympathetic to the Southern people, but not what he called the cavalier class, the plantation class.

He said something that was prescient but cruel.

He said, 300,000 of them have to be killed.

Once they're killed, the whole thing will collapse.

But these are the young men that grew up on the plantations and owned slaves.

So out of 11 or 12 million people,

there's 300,000 that are the catalysts, the instigators.

And I'm going to get rid of them.

I'm going to humiliate them.

And that really got people angry.

He was very hard

on,

he liked Joe Johnson, the Southern general, in the sense that he admired him and he respected him.

But Braxton Bragg, he was, and the rest of them, he said, these people don't, they can't hold a candle to Grant and myself.

And he was right about that.

The problem was that when the war broke out, most of the graduating classes, I mean, the senior class and then even the junior and so on, they all went to the South because they had a martial tradition.

And West Point was predominantly Southerners.

And so all of these people with these great reputations that were in the Union Army or they were at West Point young cadets, they all went to the South.

So you had Albert Sidney Johnson, you had Robert E.

Lee,

you had Beauregard, you had Braxton Bragg, you had Longstreet, you had all of these people who the nation thought were either the most impressive generals or they were the up-and-coming generation.

And the North had the dregs.

But if they didn't know it, they had three or four geniuses that were better than anybody.

Grant,

Sherman,

probably Sheridan,

and just a few others.

And Thomas, the rock of Chickamauga, great general.

But it took, they had to go through the bloody experience of having incompetence like McClellan and like Hooker and like Burnside and like Pope.

And they got a lot of people killed.

And then you got down, that was the irony of the Civil War is that

by and large, the generals on the South were good,

but not great.

And the generals on the North were mostly bad, but the ones that counted were authentic military geniuses of Napoleonic caliber.

And it was just, so one way, you know, everybody looks at the Civil War and says, just the way, it's like World War II.

It's like the Allies ground them down, yes.

And it was inevitable given the industrial capacity, the food capacity, the trading and transportation versus the South, yes.

But it was also,

the North had such a larger population.

And there were certain people in the North who were very astute about military affairs, but they were not, they didn't have a martial tradition.

So it was just a matter of time until Lincoln found the people who knew how to beat the South.

And when he found these three or four people, they were far better.

I know I'm going to offend people,

but you look at what Grant and Sherman said and how they fought, they were far more astute than Robert E.

Lee.

And

Lee might have been very good on the defensive, but

they were much more astute on the whole whole strategic how to defeat he didn't lee didn't come up with a plan how to defeat the north sherman came up with a plan to humiliate and cut off

the plantation class

and grant said

that will be possible if i bleed them white outside richmond and i have more people than they do it's what lincoln called the terrible arithmetic

and grant was losing one he was was losing two soldiers to one and a half of Lee's or one of Lee's.

And if you look at what would happen eventually, Lee would run out of soldiers before Grant.

No.

Well, Victor, thank you very much for that.

Let's go ahead and go to a break and then come back and talk a little bit about the European Union's Digital Service Act and

news or a report on the Gaza Pier after a study of it.

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Welcome back to the Victor Davis Hansen Show.

So Victor, the EU has a digital service act services act, and it just arrested

Pavel Durov, who is the owner of Telegram app, and that is a social media app.

It has, according to some,

900 million users across the world.

And they've arrested him for quote complicity in the crimes of people that are using the social media.

So fraud, drug trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, child exploitation, all horrific crimes, of course.

But this is the first time we've seen a social media mogul arrested for complicity in it.

And I think what we're all thinking thinking before you go into it is, well, we have Elon Musk and they're angry at him for his free speech position with his social media.

And that's Durov himself, too, was known for his free speech.

You know,

this is similar to that guy

in London.

He was the head of the London City Police.

His name was Rowley.

He's probably a

Sir Rowley or whatever his name was.

And basically, when they had those riots, you remember of

the deaths and

the white

lower and middle classes got angry about immigrant violence and they started rioting.

And then, of course.

Are you talking about when the young girl was raped by the Somali immigrant gun?

Yes.

I think he was second generation or something.

But anyway, the point is they wanted a virtue signal.

And there were people in the United States like Elon Musk and others getting on social media.

And this nut did the same thing, this rally guy, he said,

if you get on social media and you comment on this in a way that we don't like and we think is leading to violence in our country, then

we're going to extradite you.

from America.

And we're going to bring you over here and we're going to try you.

And I think he said something like, you're whipping up violence from the keyboard or something.

And

it was just absurd.

So what is the common denominator here?

The common denominator is this,

that the Europeans, for better or for worse, they lost

the,

what's the word, the Silicon Valley race, the high-tech race, the computer race, the internet race, the social media race.

In other words, if you look at the companies that run the world

in these fields of social

networking, social media, whatever you call it,

who is it?

It's Facebook, Meta, it's Twitter, it's Google, it's Apple, it's Amazon.

streaming, searches, internet.

That's all an American enterprise.

It's the $9 $9 trillion in Silicon Valley.

And you don't really get a feel for that unless you go overseas.

Each time I go overseas, like this summer, I'm just shocked that everybody

in Spain or Italy or France uses Google or they have

an iPhone or...

they have a Facebook account.

And so these Europeans, part of this angst and this

craziness that they're going to interfere with foreign citizens for saying things

originates from this sense of inferiority, that they have to use systems every moment of their lives that they did not create, that they were created by these half-educated, half-tamed, half-civilized Americans.

And so

In compensation, from time to time, they make an arrest, they threaten an Elon Musk, they threaten Americans.

But they're not going to do that.

They're not going to do that.

All it would take is one president said, go ahead and arrest Elon Musk.

Okay, Mr.

Police Chief, go arrest America.

You know what we're going to do?

We're just not going to defend you.

Sorry.

You go deal with Putin.

And that would be the end of it.

So it's

a, well, we're Greek philosophers and you're Roman legionnaires and you guys don't know what you're doing and we know what you're doing.

We have better morality and we're going to have to slap you down once in a while.

But they can't really do that because ultimately, when you get down to this type of disagreement, it's where the money and the power are.

That's the answer, and they don't have it.

And they're in an existential fight in Europe against Putin.

And the only reason that Putin hasn't overrun Ukraine is because of the United States, and they know that.

So

it's kind of being like, I guess you, it's kind of like, what, Gulliver and they're little futions and they're tying them down and pricking them with pins this is what it is we're going to get back at you we're going to threaten to arrest elon musk we're going to detain instagram we're going to do all this because you guys run everything and you determine our lives from the moment we wake up in the morning we have to look at your stupid apple phone and we have to do your stupid google or yahoo search and then we have to buy on your stupid amazon and then We have to communicate on your stupid Facebook.

And we don't like it.

We want to do European stuff.

So if you ever come over here or you think you're going to interfere, we're going to arrest you.

Okay.

That'd be like,

well, I think

that's how Donald Trump kind of, those things like that got Donald Trump angry.

And that's why he said, I don't like to pay 70% of NATO when you've all promised to pay 2% of your budget on defense.

And you don't do it.

You don't invest in defense.

And we make up the difference why you trash us and you wage economic war against us no more.

And that put the fear of God into them.

And they spent $100 billion

more on defense.

Yeah, which was nice.

Yeah, it was.

And so

I don't think Americans take this seriously.

If they keep doing it, finally, if it's like a mosquito that keeps stinging or a bee, then someone will go ballistic.

They'll just say, that's not going to happen.

Don't do that.

I think what some people are afraid of is that the left in our country will pass such a bill that's this similar to this Digital Service Act and try to stop Elon.

And not that they're not trying to stop him in other ways anyway, but I think that's what we look at what's going on in Europe and think, oh, man, if our left gets in control, they'll be doing the same thing.

I don't understand that.

You know, we had talked about Elon Musk in relation to Bill Crystal's comment that the interview with Trump was two mediocrities on display.

And I kind of offered some editorialization on the relative contributions and achievements of Bill Crystal versus Elon Musk.

But whatever you think about Elon Musk, I mean, as we're speaking.

His Dragon or S SpaceX, it's going to go, they don't have any way to get these astronauts out.

He's going to try to recalibrate and refashion to fit the space and bring these two guys home.

Their rocket's going to come home empty with nobody.

And they can say all they want about Tesla,

but it works.

He took on the big three and won.

And they can say it was a bad investment.

He should have never bought Twitter.

He paid Jack Dorsey twice what it's worth.

There's no revenues.

Yes.

And he's revolutionized social media.

He really has.

He's changed the, if Twitter right now was in Dorsey's hands again, it would be a very different social media environment.

So everything he does is revolutionary.

And

I don't understand why these people have this irrational hatred of him.

I really don't.

It doesn't make any sense.

Whenever I see somebody that can do things I can't do, even if I don't like them, I have to respect that.

You know what I mean?

Each person should have that attitude.

And so, Bill Crystal, you can't do what Elon Musk does.

You can't do it.

No.

The equivalent of Elon Musk in your field would be 10 seminal books that were earth-shattering or

a level of sustained commentary of the caliber of, I don't know, Eric Severite or maybe Charles Krothimer, right?

Krothheimer, yeah.

Yeah.

And you, and I'm sorry, Bill.

I don't have nothing against you, but I'm just saying if you call somebody mediocre, that is a projectionist adjective.

It fits you and compared to your field, but not him.

He's revolutionized the field,

not just the field, plural.

So

I don't understand why people say that about him or they hate him.

And it's just because I think he's made his peace with Trump and he's going to vote for Trump and he's not going to change.

Yeah.

And you know what?

I have

kind of an advertisement, but it's an honest reflection for Elon Musk.

We have here at the studio a Verizon internet and we have Starlink.

And we can never use the Verizon because it just goes on and off all the time.

And the Starlink is absolutely flawless and reliable.

And it's just, he's a genius, like you said.

I mean, how he can set up something like that and have it function out here in the nowhere land so well when ATT couldn't do it, Verizon couldn't do it.

So it's it's amazing.

He's amazing.

And I won't go on about the Tesla, which is, of course, my favorite car.

Well, I mean,

that's what's going to save this country is that you have a free market.

You have no restrictions

on

opinion.

And you encourage entrepreneurs and you admire them.

That's what Thomas Edison, that was Alexander Graham Bell, that was what the Wright brothers are.

And when you create create an environment that people like that can come up with against the grain ideas, and if they're successful, they can become fabulously wealthy and influential, then you create incentives for those people.

They can be found anywhere, can be found anywhere in the world, and they'll come here or they're here.

But you do the opposite, and you restrict

You restrict their ability to make a profit and you regulate them and you tax them and you demonize them and you

then you're not going to get those people.

So my attitude about all of these people, I don't like a lot of people on the left.

I don't like Lisa.

I don't, I wasn't a big fan of Steve Jobs, but I'm really glad Steve Jobs was here, right?

He took on Microsoft.

He created this Apple.

Then he got...

thrown out.

He didn't give up.

He came back.

He did a lot of good for the United States.

And it's good to have people like that.

It really is.

And you need to encourage that.

And we just encourage the opposite.

We reward bad behavior and mediocrity.

And we take away SAT scores.

We get to destroy meritocracy.

And then we wonder why the Chinese are ahead of us or something.

It doesn't make any sense.

No, it doesn't.

Well, Victor, we were going to talk about the Gaza Pure or the report from the U.S.

Agency of International Development on the Gaza Pier, but we'll have to save that for another time because I have one more topic that I'm more interested in.

The debates coming up, and Kamala has decided that she can't, she has to change the rules of the debate to have it sit down,

to be, have notes available and mics on.

And I was wondering your reflections on what that shows to us about her.

That's a t-ball question.

It is.

We touched on that before, but if she was a powerful woman and it was true as what she said, she fought all the

odds as a brave black woman or person of color and a feminist, dynamic character, then she would say to Trump, you know what?

I don't really give a damn what the rules are.

I don't care.

I don't care if

you have a silent mic or open mic.

I don't care if you have one debates or three debates.

I don't care if it's on Fox or CNN.

Because you know what's going to happen when I get in there?

I'm going to show you up.

That should be her attitude.

Yes.

It's just the opposite.

That's Trump's attitude.

And it's just the opposite.

I went back and looked at her first debate with Joe Biden.

I mean, it was workmanlike.

It wasn't that bad.

It was effective only because there was like 10 people

on the stage and you couldn't hear her for more than two minutes.

So she didn't have an opportunity to reveal how limited she was in ability.

But the second debate where Tulsi Gabbert sort of carved her up and devoured her,

that was pretty much.

And, you know, this

I'm wondering that this campaign is going to be like the primary.

She gave a talk in, I think it was Oakland when she started her campaign in 2019.

And she had the, she had like 200,

she had, excuse me, she had like,

it was more than, it was $20 million came in.

She had, I think she had 20,000, 30,000 people listening to every word she said.

She was the front runner.

Everybody praised her.

And from that moment, it went downhill.

The more people heard her, the more people saw her, the more people who saw her in the debate stage, the less inviting she was.

And they know that.

And I think it's all been built up in the convention.

And now it's a question of,

are you going to get a chance to see her, her leader ideas?

Carl Vove has an op-ed today, and it's the same old, same old.

Not that it's inaccurate, but it just says Trump has to talk about the issues and not avoid the insults.

And because he's trying to be balanced, and

Camilla Harris has to tell a nation what she's for.

Well, no, she doesn't.

That's the whole point, Carl.

She's never going to do that because to do that is going to lose because she has a leftist agenda.

So why would she tell people who she is?

She'd lose if he did.

So your op-ed should have said.

Trump has to expose her on the issue.

Yes, you were right about that.

But she's never going to be exposed.

She's going to hide.

So that is why sometimes he gets angry and resorts to insults.

And she likes the insults because then the media and she talk about the insults and they gain another day.

He was right about that.

But the idea that she needs to talk about the issues.

Yeah.

She doesn't want to talk about the issues.

She doesn't know what they are.

Yeah.

All those asks just reveal what an empty vessel she is because she wants it sitting down so she doesn't reveal her diminutive stature compared to Trump.

Optics are terrible.

She wants notes because there's nothing in her brain.

And she wants to have the speaker on so she can provoke victimhood against Trump by saying, what did she say?

I'm talking here.

I'm talking here to poor old Pence, who's a gentleman of all gentlemen, right?

So

she's just empty, completely empty.

You can see her when she's in these rallies or the few times she's on the stage, she starts to cackle just for a second.

Her face starts to widen.

She looks around like, I'm going to break, I'm going to cackle because I don't know what I'm going to say.

So I'm just going to start.

And then they say, uh-oh, I'm told not to do that.

I can't cackle.

And then she kind of calms down.

And it's all contrived.

She can't do it.

And it's,

you know, it, I remember when I was in high school sports, there was a guy that is a really nice kid and his dad came every day to watch him and he was prominent and they wanted him to be the next, I don't know, superstar at my high school and the coaches all were kind of torn.

Should we give him a place on the team starting role that he hasn't earned because his dad is here and he's very prominent.

Can we still win with him on it?

Or should we let the people who deserve to have that spot?

Well, they, of course, went with this guy, the mediocrity.

And he knew that he could not hit a curveball.

He could not hit a curveball.

And once you're up one time against a high school baseball pitcher and he knows he throws one curve and you look like a fool, then you can imagine that the next four times you're up, that's all you're going to get.

And that's what happened.

And the more that that happened, the more he did not want to go up.

So he'd tell his dad, I don't want to play.

I don't want to

be designated hitter.

Don't they have, why couldn't I do that?

I mean, not designated hitter, just designated fielder.

I don't want to hit.

I do not want to hit.

And he was not that bad in the field, but he's so fixated on it because he couldn't do it.

You know what I mean?

And then it became a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Finally, pictures would just throw him fastballs and he couldn't hit them because he was so afraid there was going to be a curve.

And that's what she is.

She's so afraid.

She's so fixated.

It's become so obsessive and compulsive that she can't do it.

That she comes up with all these bizarre rules.

You know, I have to sit down.

I have to have notes.

I have to be on CNN.

I have to have Dana Bash.

I have to have you make, I have to be able to insult you.

So in an open mic, you can get angry.

It's,

I don't know what's going to happen, but.

Yeah, we'll see.

But we should all assume that

there's no way in the world that a Democratic Party,

no way in the world that a Democratic Party that removed Joe Biden with a backroom assassin, basically,

is going to feel bad about not putting her out there.

You know what I mean?

If they're going to depose a sitting president and anoint somebody and find out she can't speak,

they don't care.

They won't let her speak.

And everybody's going to say, well, that'll be destructive.

They can't care.

Yes, they can.

They can't.

As long as the polls are dead even, and they are dead even today.

So

I don't know what advice anyone could give Trump to make her come out.

And I think the only thing you can do is just keep hammering away at her.

contradictory policies and how

injurious they are and how she could implement them right now, as we said earlier.

She's the vice president.

President's nowhere to be seen, nowhere to be found.

It's all yours, Kamala.

All you have to do is say, I got this plan.

It's on my website.

I'm going to go tell Joe Biden we're going to go implement it right now and get a five-month head start.

Not going to happen.

Well, Victor, thank you for all

the wisdom today.

And I loved the memoirs of William Tecumseh Sherman and Ulysses S.

Grant.

You make me want to read them so that was a good thing.

And thank you to our listeners as well.

Thank you everybody.

I much appreciate it.

This is Sammy Wink and Victor Davis Hansen saying goodbye.

And we're back live during a flex alert.

Oh, we're pre-cooling before 4 p.m.

Folks.

And that's the end of the third.

Time to set it back to 78 from 4 to 9 p.m.

What a performance by Team California.

The power is ours.