Mexico and White Supremacy

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Hello and welcome to the Victor Davis-Hanson Show.

This is the weekend edition where we get to do something a little bit different and look at cultures and or people, often historical, but often contemporary as well.

And sometimes in today we're going to look at a concept.

So our agenda today is to examine Mexico since most of the immigrants that we have into the United States, whether legal or illegal, are coming from Mexico.

So I wanted to take a look at that with Victor, and then we'll turn to a phrase that comes up again and again.

And I feel like we're not on the same page with other people on the term white supremacy.

So we're going to take some time for both of those topics in this weekend edition.

And please give us a second for some messages and then we'll come right back.

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Welcome back.

I would like to remind everybody that Victor is the Martin and Ellie Anderson Senior Fellow in Military History and Classics at the Hoover Institution and the Wayne and Marsha Buskie Distinguished Fellow in History at Hillsdale College.

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So Victor, let's go ahead and get started today.

I wanted to talk about Mexico because so many things come up.

We're really seeing the news, you know, the crisis at the border.

And I realize that there are people from all over the world actually crossing our border with Mexico today.

But a large portion of them that end up in the United States are Mexicans themselves.

And then, of course, so the Mexican culture is brought into the United States.

And I wanted to have a look at, you know, some of the elements.

And I know it's a touchy subject because you yourself live in a 90% Mexican community.

So it's tough in our modern world where we tend to romanticize ethnic roots of people.

You know, for example, if I were to romanticize my German roots, I'd be talking, I guess, about the gods Thor and Odin and things like that.

But we tend to romanticize our roots in our, generally speaking, I think it's usually ethnic groups.

And then it's taboo to talk about the problems.

So I know that this is a tough subject for you is where where I'm going with this.

But I would like to talk, if we could,

what it is that is bringing people here.

So a little bit about the carrot, which I think most of our listeners probably have some idea of what is so advantageous to be in the United States for Mexicans themselves.

And then a little bit about the stick.

Why don't they want to stay in their own country?

And I know that we're getting down to the level of the ordinary people in Mexico, because if you talk to elites in Mexico, they would surely tell you what a great place Mexico was and how wonderful their life is.

But the ordinary people, the middle class and the lower middle class, are coming over the border in droves.

So something's going wrong in Mexico that's driving them away.

And I hope we can talk about that as well.

The Mexican Revolution of 1910 to 1917

was more than just throwing off the

Spanish hierarchy or the Mexican hierarchy.

It was sort of a grassroots socialist, communist, pancho via all that stuff.

But basically it was Zapata.

It was a cry that indigenous people, that is, in the fusion between Spanish culture and indigenous Native Americans in Mexico, those who were not primarily identifying as Spanish were

systematically treated terribly.

Okay.

But the correction for that was a one-party socialist system.

And the elites who had the power and the land bought into that system on the premise that they would have a socialist system that would basically wreck the economy, such as it was anyway, but they would have special concessions.

So they would retain their ranks.

And so what you have ever since, I know there's two parties now in the last 40 years, but you have a anemic economy and you have a redistributionist state.

And as in all socialist countries, you have an elite that's exempt from the consequences of their phony left-wing ideology.

And that means endemic poverty for people basically

south of Mexico City.

Now, when I was growing up, much of the immigration to where I live were people from the northern part of Mexico.

And they tended to be with high school diplomas.

They tended to speak English.

They tended to come legally.

And they found integration and assimilation

and intermarriage much easier.

And we, the host, in those days, had much more confidence.

in who we were.

So it worked a little bit better than it does.

I'm talking about people from, you know, Chihuahua was very popular and Jalisco and places like that.

Tabasco, yeah.

Yes.

And now it's mostly indigenous people who are far poor, some who are not entirely fluent in the Spanish language.

They have indigenous languages and they've been subject to a great deal of racial discrimination inside Mexico.

And Mexico doesn't want them.

So Mexico has created a paradigm in which somewhere from 10 to 40 million of their population they feel is a drag on their economy.

If you can export them to the United States, it's a win-win-win-win.

What do I mean by that?

Number one, they will work very hard and send back $50 billion a year.

It's the largest source of foreign income, foreign exchange for the Mexican economy.

And they will be subsidized in their health and their education and their legal needs by the American governments, state, local, and federal.

They will create a huge expatriate population who will wave the Mexican flag in a way they never did at home.

They will romanticize Mexico as long as they don't have to go back there and live.

The longer you're away from Mexico, the nicer Mexico is.

The more you're in Mexico, the less likely Mexico is, likely to be, you know, warm and fuzzy.

The third is that Mexico gets a safety valve.

People do not march on Mexico City.

They march on the border.

They get out.

It's a Frederick Jackson-Turner safety valve.

And so this is what the paradigm was.

And they came in basically 200,000 to 300,000 from northern Mexico before this paradigm fully developed.

And now that paradigm is mostly over.

The Mexican middle class doesn't come and indigenous people and the poor are primarily people that come.

And so this would be okay if we had a legal mechanism to let in 100,000 a year based on merit.

They came with English skills.

They entered a receptive society, confident in its own values.

It said, we're going to integrate you.

We're going to intermarry you.

We're going to assimilate you.

You chose to come here, not us.

We didn't force you to.

So once you sit across that border, no affirmative action.

We haven't done anything to you.

You're no tribal, marginalized person.

Go to it.

Do what the Cubans did.

Go to it.

But that's not what we do.

We have these crazy ideas that the Democratic Party says to themselves, it's not the 1940s anymore with the minimum wage and unemployment insurance, Social Security.

We got all that.

We have a redistribution system, but if we go any further, we're socialists and people don't want to go any further.

So we don't have a constituency.

But as Senator Ted Kennedy told us, they changed the laws in the 1960s and made it basically

pro-southern border immigration with family reunification and humanitarian considerations paramount.

So we got this huge number, I mean, huge, 20 million people living here illegally.

There's 50 million that were not born in the United States that are either legal residents or illegal residents from all over the world.

And what's new about this is the following, that people in these communities And after all, birds of a feather flock together.

If there were Swedish immigrants coming when my great-grandfather came, where did they go?

They went to Minnesota first and then they came out to Kingsburg, California, because that's where Swedes they felt most comfortable with.

So these immigrants feel most comfortable in communities across the border initially, and then small towns, preferably, or large places, Los Angeles, San Jose, Fresno.

all over New Mexico, Arizona, Texas, Colorado.

Okay.

And what happens?

In the meantime, the second generation or the third generation does not speak Spanish very well, and they emulate the Italian-American experience of the 19th century.

When people came from Sicily, they had a lot harder time immigrating and assimilating and integrating and intermarrying than said Germans did.

or Swedes did.

And the reason was that Sicily was dire, it was dire, it was in dire poverty, and it was 100% Catholic.

And people thought that they were more different from the original Northern Europeans.

So, people that were in that 19th-century idea said Africa starts at Naples, you know, it's kind of racist.

So, they had a hard time.

But after three generations, as I've said a lot, if you're Giuliani or Cuomo or Pataki, nobody knows your politics.

You've integrated within the system.

And that's what we're starting to see with the Mexican-American diaspora.

And that's what frightens the left.

It's no longer, come across the border, we're going to tell you that this is a bad country and you're going to hate it like we do.

And here's $1,000 a month, but it only came from us.

And all those white Republicans hate your guy.

They're white supremacists.

So vote for us.

And that works pretty well for the first generation.

Close a border and it wouldn't work for anybody.

Because now what we're seeing is the Mexican-American community looks at an open border and they they say, Wow, these people come into our schools, out goes advanced placement, in comes bilingual education.

My kids don't even speak Spanish anymore, is what they're saying.

Gone are our safe streets.

Now, we've got cartel people, we've got M13 people, and they come up to my son in junior high and they say, Do you speak Spanish?

Ah, Español.

No, no, no, no, puede.

Okay, you're a gringo, and they attack them.

Or

they say,

you know what, I have, I have have lupus, I have tuberculosis, I have all these problems, and I need state and federal health care.

And the person in the community says, well, my mother has had, you know, a pretty good dialysis clinic, and now it's, it's swarmed.

I'm talking about real life things I see every day in my own community.

And so people are saying, we don't want this anymore.

This is a bunch of wealthy white people that dream this up.

This is a Nancy Pelosi, Dianne Feinstein, multi-millionaire Mark Zuckerberg project.

This is more Juanitas and wands to cut their lawn.

And the black community is starting to say,

we've got existential problems.

And if we're ever going to get kids from stopping the violence at the inner city, we've got to give them good vocational training and jobs.

And an employer won't hire them when they can hire somebody cheap.

So there's a lot of forces.

And then the Chamber of Commerce employer says, you know, I need 100 people in my restaurant chain to cook.

People will say, you know, we're tired of that.

It's not going to work because you dump that problem onto the state when you have a person ill or a person that needs help, entitlement.

So all the forces are rising against, but most importantly, it's from the Mexican-American community.

And off the record, which is on the record now, when I've talked to a lot of Mexican-American people, they say something to the following.

Well, you know, Victor, they're not all from Mexico.

Yeah.

They're from China.

They're from Haiti.

The person said to me, you know, they didn't whip anybody, but they were Haitians.

Yeah.

And so my point is, it's no longer a chauvinistic thing to say, we want all of our guys to come over because they're only about half Mexican American.

They're Guatemalans, they're Hondurans, they're Caribbeans, they're Chinese, they're Arabs, they're Ukrainian.

Yeah.

So it would be kind of like, put yourself in that situation.

I mean, I always say to them, you know, if Sweden goes totally socialist and a million Swedes are impoverished and they all come and swarm into Kingsburg, California, I'm not going to like it.

I'm sorry.

I mean, just because they have blonde hair and blue eyes, and I feel that they have a square head,

as the Danes said, they act like a Danish person with his brains blown out.

I don't want them.

Exactly.

And that's a lot, that's where a lot of Mexicans, especially if they're far left, which they are anyway.

So I've had Swedish people, you know, visit here.

Yeah.

Every once in a while, about every three years, some Swedish journalist shows up and they're very nice people.

And I think I'm going to connect with them when I don't connect with them.

No, of course not.

I connect with Juan Lopez more easily.

Yeah, absolutely.

I mean, even if you go over to Europe, you know that that's true when you're on the streets.

I mean, you don't really know the European, like you know, the people in your own community, Hispanic or not, you know.

So, but this is where it gets to the maybe a little bit more touchy part because looking at why they leave Mexico and trying to get away from this romanticizing, but you can't criticize attitude.

And you have to ask yourself, and sometimes I do, well, what's so that they don't want to stay in Mexico, that the being middle class or lower middle class is, you know, they turn and El Norte is where they want to go.

Every once in a while, I read articles that are not intended to reveal things, but they do.

For example, in the LA Times that was writing about a immigrant that came up and they were suggesting it was political asylum that he wanted.

But then they went on to describe what was going on in Mexico that would make him need political asylum.

And they said, well, the gangs are the ones who, you know, drug gang, drug lords, cartels were the ones that either had, they were the candidates or they supported the candidates and they would do drastic things to the extent of killing people if they weren't voting for the right people.

So you look at that and you go, man, I mean, we've got problems in our politics, but that's beyond even our own conception.

I just want to another article about private oil concession that was being

shut down or at least made its business being made so difficult that it was hard to maintain business because they wanted to have the national oil company, you know, be much more profitable.

and so things like that you can see that that economy is just broken down the politics is broken down in ways and i was wondering if what were your i favorite legal immigration legal measured diverse meritratic i like it not to replace us us being american citizens but because there's kind of a natural exuberance If you're dissatisfied and you're willing to give up everything and take a risk and you do it legally and you do it from all different countries, and we get

kind of a dynamism.

That's how America is so dynamic.

But when you do it in huge numbers from one place with no merocratic standards, and you all have one group, then it's not going to work.

It's not going to assimilate, it's not going to integrate.

And that's the problem.

But why do people want to come up?

We say, well, they want to suddenly

have money.

So I talk to people all the time.

I'm kind of a blabber mouth.

You know what I mean?

So when I meet people, people will come up to me.

The other day I was getting the line in Home Depot where I seem to be spending, unfortunately, a lot of my life now.

But I was at the counter and somebody from Mexico came up and we were talking and he was asking about fuel and telling me how cheap it was in Mexico and how good it was in Mexico.

And I said, well, why don't you just take your truck and go back to Mexico?

He said, I think somebody would steal it.

Yeah, they would steal it.

And he said that he would say, I didn't have title to it.

And he said, I would have never bought this truck.

I could have never bought this truck.

It reminded me when I was at the emergency room.

I broke my arm about 20 years ago.

And I went in there.

It was all gang members, all gang members.

There had been a big fight between two Mexican gangs.

Police came and said, you got to stand away.

Anyway, I was talking to this one person who was from Mexico, and I was asking him why he came up.

And he said, they call me senor here, sir.

They never didn't.

I was just an Indian in Mexico, but they treat you with respect.

I said, they treat you with more respect.

Look, I have a broken arm, and I have to fill out all of these insurance forms.

And I write with my right hand, and nobody will come and help me.

But they just filled out yours because you don't write English.

He started laughing.

Reminds me, I was at a urologist about three years ago, and I was waiting and waiting and waiting.

And a Mexican guy ran in and he didn't have an appointment.

I think it was the same doctor, and he could not urinate.

I just had a regular PSC.

So he had to get catheted.

He couldn't go.

They told him, Gothian bird, no, please help.

So he said, I need to see Dr.

X, which was his doctor.

So they came to me and said, Mr.

Hanson, I know you've been waiting two hours, but Dr.

X has just come out of surgery.

And would you mind?

I said, no, this man is in pain.

Make sure he's whatever you have to do.

So they went in and they put a cather and they wanted to watch him, right?

So he came out and he had it taped to his leg, kind of hidden.

And he's talking to me.

And I'm still not going in, obviously.

And he goes, oh, you know, I crowded in front of you.

I said, you didn't crowd in front of me.

You had a health.

If I had the same thing, I'd hope you would give me.

precedence.

And he was really friendly, but what he was getting at was the same thing.

He said, I love this country.

You can come.

And I know a lot of the critics are listening.

You're going to say, well, he just wants free stuff.

But what he was trying to get at is the United States treats people with dignity.

Dignity.

But what's going on at the border is not dignity.

That's the left's cynical use of manpower.

They do not treat people well.

When you open the border up, what do you expect but a caravan?

Where are they going to defecate?

Where are they going to urinate?

Where's their vaccination?

Where's their test at a pandemic?

So it's just a raw exhibition of political power.

And you're going to have an escalation of child trafficking and drug trafficking and everything.

It's just perfect for the Chinese fentanyl.

They're going to sing that stuff because they want to destroy the middle class.

And then the cartels are going to handle it and distribute it.

And it's ruining.

America, 100,000 deaths per year.

We could stop it with closing the border.

And because these people, no one cares about.

I mean, the poor white class or bi-coastal, wealthy white people hate them.

They hate them more than anybody.

They despise them.

They don't care about suicides.

They feel they did it to themselves.

These are the people that, you know, and so I don't get that, but if I were to categorize the pathologies of the bicoastal, wealthy, left-wing elite, surely one of them is an inexplicable, I can explain it, but I think you could call it inexplicable, but so bizarre, Hatred of the deplorables, the clingers, the chumps, the dregs, the irredeemables, or what Peter Stroke said: the guys that you can smell in Walmart, or that counter wrote or whatever his name was, who was a reporter for CNN, said at a Trump rally, I have more teeth than everybody put together, et cetera, et cetera.

They hate those people.

Got to remember that although so-called white people are 67 to 70% of the population, and maybe percentage-wise, fewer of them are below the poverty line than our African Americans.

Percentage wise, a couple things.

They don't do as well per capita as Asian Americans, Arab Americans, I think 17 different groups.

And second of all, in sheer numbers, of all the millions of people who are living below the poverty line, the majority are white.

And yet these are the people that our elite have nothing but contempt for.

Wait, are you trying to suggest, too, that the Hispanics are going to fall into that same category or that they side with ordinary Hispanics against these chumps, the white chumps and deplorables.

I think they're siding with them.

I think that intermarriage is one out of every three or four Hispanics are intermarrying.

And most are intermarrying the white middle class.

Oh, so the Hispanic is siding with the Chumps against the elites now.

Yeah, yeah.

Oh, yeah.

I can't think of one family, so-called white family that I know, including my own, and I think including yours, that has not married someone who is Hispanic.

Not one, not one.

So that's going on, and that is explaining a lot of the conservatism that's happening in the so-called, because under our neo-Confederate one-drop rule, you're going to be Mexican if you're 1-8 for purposes of affirmative action.

But ideologically, you're fully American.

And I keep saying this.

I got to be very careful because I don't want to be repetitive.

But culturally, emotionally, socially, there is something very toxic about our bicoastal upper, upper, upper white class.

I don't know what happened to it.

I think if you gave me an hour on this podcast, I could say that the abolitionists who were absolutely right on the Civil War, on slavery, but they had a sense of destiny and arrogance and non-compromise.

And when they lost their God,

that zeal, that Puritan zeal remained.

And they have to be right.

And, you know, it's going to be climate change 110% or you're a denier.

It's going to be repertory admissions to Yale or you're a racist.

That's how they think.

And they talk down to people.

And they think they talk down to other white people, and that's okay.

But they talk down even more so to African-Americans and Latinos.

And so far, people said, said, well, I'll put up with these, well, you know, you know, that kind of arrogant sounding voice because they give us stuff.

But when you don't need that stuff, that you want to build your own stuff, that you want to be like a Pelosi, have as much money as Paul Pelosi and have a Porsche.

If you want that, You don't need those people.

And you get angry because you start to feel that they're telling you what to do.

Every time you get a conservative Hispanic politician on TV, they will say the same thing.

I'm tired of being told what to do.

They don't even earn our vote.

And so that's what's happening.

It's a psychological mechanism that people are saying, I don't like those people.

They use words.

I hear it all the time.

He's a nerd.

He's a wimp.

He's a fool.

He's stupid.

They used to have a term when I was teaching my Hispanic stupid people who would say, hey, have you seen any stupid white people lately?

And that means people who talk down to them and tell them what they should think about transgenderism or abortion or all of these issues that are contrary to their Catholic faith or their upbringing.

Yeah.

So this is also a revolution against that elite.

Yeah.

I can't just say white elite.

It's also the black elite, the Latino elite, the Asian elite.

They're all the same.

And people in the middle classes are starting to, at a time when everybody's fixated on race, we're starting to see from the ground level a reaffirmation of class.

Yeah.

I couldn't be happier.

We see what that Myra Flores, who won the primary in her district for as a Republican, and she's Hispanic and she's immigrated here when she was six years old, I believe she said.

And she just said straight out, the left does not share my values.

And I see that all the time.

And what I'm curious about is the left is bringing in all these people thinking that they're going to give them stuff and then there'll be an automatic voting population for them.

And I'm not sure that that's going to happen with the Hispanics and especially the Mexican population.

I predict that the left will close the border very soon.

Yes.

Because I think in the 2022 election, the Mexican-American vote will be 50-50.

And they can't survive that because they need 65-35 given how they've treated the white working class.

And I bet by 2024, they're going to lose a Mexican-American vote.

Yeah.

You can feel it because you can talk to a lot of Mexican-Americans.

They'll talk about their children that you see they're really worried about, or they'll say things like, oh, he went to college, he's lazy.

So they understand that their kids are being indoctrinated by white, wealthy, bicultural elites and values that mock their own.

And they don't like it.

They don't like it.

And who would like it?

So I'm kind of cautiously optimistic.

Yeah.

And

just middle-class people integrate and they don't fixate on race like the wealthy do.

The wealthy are so insecure, the elite.

And, you know, I don't know how many times I've had this conversation at Stanford or overseas.

Oh, I tell you, I just love Yolanda.

She's such a good little worker.

And you know what I do?

I give her all my used clothes.

And then when I have a used car, and these are very nice things to do.

But when you think that they never tell you a story,

Rosie and I, you know, we got in a car and we went down to the outlets, the shop in Dilroy.

Or they'll never say,

Jose and I went out to dinner.

They never say that.

It's always, I am so magnanimous that I,

it's all asymmetric.

They don't go to the parties together.

They don't go to the PTAs.

They don't put their kids in the school with them.

And yet, After all of that, they become the avatars of racial harmony.

And they tell you what is okay.

And they tell you that you're a a racist, or this person's a racist, but they're the racists.

This is all a psychological mechanism, this woke stuff among elites to hide the fact they don't feel comfortable with people that don't look like them.

Well, Victor, I hope something can change in Mexico itself, or at least the immigrants who come from Mexico realize that Mexico is a very naturally wealthy state.

It's got

resources from the tropical rainforests all the way up to the pine forests in the north, oil reserves, gas reserves.

It's incredible state that I don't know what would change it so it would run

more efficiently.

You have a elite corrupt group.

I have met people.

I know people from that corrupt group.

I've seen them in academia.

They are the most entitled.

racist, corrupt people I've known from that hierarchy that run that country.

And they have nothing.

I had a shouting match, I won't say where, 20 years ago at Stanford University with a visiting professor from Mexico City.

And she said to me, we won the Mexican war.

I said, how do you figure that?

Well, you got some territory, but we're sending all these people that are the dregs of humanity and they're recolonizing it.

And when they get to be 100%, we're just going to tell them what to do.

And we don't have to have them down around us.

You have them, you idiots.

That was the most racist thing to say.

And finally, one of the people said, well, you guys stop yelling at each other.

And you should have seen her.

She had Rolex watch on or whatever it was.

She had at that time

one of the early Lexus model cars.

And I was just disgusted by her, but she's part of that elite.

Yeah, I can't imagine you yelling, Victor, but something that would provoke you to yell must have been pretty bad.

And so.

But the last thing I want to address here is that this university culture that has cultivated this romantic notions about whatever it is, but Mexico obviously is one of those things pertinent to us.

And it really cultivates in the Hispanic youth idea that somehow there is this great culture in Mexico that's being lost when they come to the United States and they need to somehow reify that culture.

And there's extraordinary things that they'll say, you know, the whole, you know, we have an attachment to the gods of the Aztecs or even the Mayan.

Wait, wait, wait, making fun of my statue in downtown Salma.

Wow, that statue definitely would come from that university notion.

Yeah, they did.

I took a picture, I wrote an article.

Viva La Raza, it said.

Yeah.

But my question is this.

That university world can do a lot of damage to the hispanic population i mean we can watch myra flores say i'm here and i'm here for my american dream and these left-wingers are you know obviously not that for her but these romantic ideas about culture are very destructive to a population i think it is especially to america what happens is the people who go into these university programs thinking it's upwardly mobile they have the same unfortunate encounters as the white middle class they take on enormous debt and then they get these sociology psychology latino studies minors and majors and they are not equipped with analytical skills with english composition spoken or written mathematical skills.

They're not equipped to be highly educated because these are therapeutic degrees.

And then what do they do?

They go into government.

They go into the DMV office.

They go into the welfare office.

they go into the building code office, they go, and that's where they go.

And then you have another group of Hispanics, like the white middle class.

They go into business, they run their own restaurant, they run their own landscaping companies, they run their own tree trimming companies.

Service

kids, they usually send them into things like engineering or business.

And they're completely different people.

And they don't worry about the 1619 project or transgenderism.

Their worry is about

I'm going to be very upwardly mobile.

I'm going to get a nice home.

I'm going to keep my kids out of trouble.

I'm going to make sure they have good jobs.

I'm going to transmit my religious and family values.

And that's, I think, is becoming the new majority that's terrifying the left.

And once that starts, it's like any liberating feeling.

It increases geometrically, not arithmetically.

And that's what I think is happening.

We're going to get to a point where if you're a Mexican-American or you're old, fossilized

Nancy Pelosi adherent, that community is going to think you're insane.

They're going to say to you, oh, you want to have $7 gas?

Oh, you want to have transgendered education stuff down your throat?

Oh, you want all these crazy people to go into our Catholic church and scream and yell about abortion?

Oh, you want all that?

You want to have Romex wire?

I keep saying you can't buy or shingle.

That's what you're for.

That's starting to happen.

And so we're going to change the,

I think, the attitude, the group attitude about your political identification.

It's not cool to be a left-winger now in a lot of Mexican-American communities.

And it's going to be less cool.

Just like it was when I was growing up, every single kid that was white, if their parents weren't wealthy, and they're, I mean, wealthy was then making $20,000 a year, but I mean, most of them were Democrats.

Their parents were in union jobs.

They were at the Fou off truck welding.

They were at the upright harvester plant.

They were at the Del Monte Cannery.

You know what I mean?

They were in Sunkiss.

They were union people.

They were Democrats.

That doesn't exist anymore.

Unions are gone.

And those people are all conservative now.

The white working class is conservative.

They feel they were betrayed by the Democratic Party during globalization and this cultural revolution.

The same thing is happening to the Hispanic.

They feel that these white left-wing politicians don't care about their day-to-day concerns and they want to reprogram them in ways that are contrary to the Catholic Church, contrary to the family, contrary to the sense of honor, and they don't like it.

And they don't know quite what to do yet.

It's kind of like me.

I grew up in a Democratic family.

And I said in 1980 to my mom, I can't do it, mom.

I cannot vote for Jimmy Carter.

So I voted for the other guy, John Anderson, the third party.

I didn't vote for Reagan.

Not that I didn't, I wanted him to win, but I thought I can't break my mom's heart.

She didn't like Carter, but she thought he was an old

southern governor centrist.

He wasn't.

But it was very hard to do.

And then I took abuse from my, you know, from my family for being the nut in the family.

Yeah.

So you think all of this romanticizing of the ethnic roots in Mexico of an American Mexican will just become relics of the university, much like, you know, maybe somebody who might suggest to me that I should romanticize the German ethnic roots, which doesn't exist at all.

I wouldn't go there if I were you.

I'm not romanticizing it.

I'm just saying I wouldn't, but I'm just saying it doesn't really exist at all.

But we can find things called La Raza in the university still.

I mean, it's it's still there.

It's not defunct.

It's still there because if you go to a Cal State Fresno campus or San Jose State, the majority of students are Hispanic and they want something of value from it.

And they know that the La Raza thing is kind of like being a member of the party.

was in late stage Soviet Union.

You just kind of nod your head and say yes, but they don't really want to take that minor.

It's kind of a joke.

And so they want to get educated.

They want to be upwardly mobile.

And that's the way it is.

And the people who teach those things don't offer them the skills.

Yeah.

Hopefully.

Every person now, but this was created by, again, wealthy white people.

They created the situation where they said to minorities: don't integrate, don't assimilate, don't intermarry, cling to your tribal identity, because if you do, we're going to give you repertory consideration and admissions and hiring.

And that was a tempting bargain.

It's a Faustian bargain because once you do that, you've given up

your own willpower.

Yeah, sure.

That's what they left at that.

All right.

Well, on that note, let's go ahead and take some time for some messages and then we'll come right back and we're going to talk about the term white supremacy.

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Okay, Victor, the term white supremacy seems to me that it's just being cast around without any serious consideration of its origins and its meaning.

And so I would like to talk about that because I've seen people address white supremacy, and again, this is in academia, but as

white people think they're in a Hobbesian notion, white individuals think they're better than the next person, and the next person may be an ethnic, you know, other ethnicity, therefore there's white supremacy, right?

And I'm thinking, no, that white supremacy are people who believe that there is an active role of whites to rule over other ethnicities who are inferior to them because of their DNA, right?

And so I would like you to address, as best you can, the origins of white supremacy in the United States.

And I believe that it begins with the old South because we can see speeches by Southern politicians that were leading the South that specifically say those things and into the Ku Klux Klan era.

You start with the majority population.

And this country was about 96 percent british speaking in the 18th century and then it expanded to northern europeans and central europe and by the late 19th century southern european

and there were japanese and chinese but my point is that when you have a large majority it is suspicious it always is going to be blood and soil I've said this so many times.

Sammy, if you want to be a citizen of Japan, good luck.

If Jose Rodriguez wants to go over and be the president of Ghana, good luck.

If Kathy Zhang wants to go down to Mexico and be the president of Mexico, good luck.

If Pashar Singh wants to go into Russia and be president, good luck.

It's only this place that allows a multiracial democracy where race is supposed to be incidental.

And that is a phenomenal fact because this was founded by almost 90% plus was white people.

But the white people who founded this country were kind of crazy as white people go.

They believed in this crazy enlightenment and they believed in the Renaissance and they believed that people were born equally.

Now they're not gods, they're humans.

But they were confronted immediately with slavery and they couldn't have a civil war.

because they were still fighting the British.

But they made it very clear that this was an unstable situation.

And it didn't take them very long,

70 years, and they had a destructive 700,000 people killed over it.

But the logic in the declaration was that we are not a racial country.

So we had all of these different groups.

Now, the problem is this.

When you bring in all of these different groups, you're bringing in so many different cultures, so many different backgrounds, values.

Some are more sophisticated toward capital and capital aggregation.

So if you bring in people from the middle class, from India, they do very well.

They have a whole entrepreneurial tradition.

The same thing about the professional classes from Japan or China.

But you bring in very poor people from rural, from Mexico, they don't have that same cultural values as, I don't mean in a good or bad sense, I just mean the same emphasis that you immediately have to get education, you have to do this, and you have to do this.

No, they bring in family, but it takes a little longer, just like the Italian, just like the Irish couldn't compete with the Protestant Irish or the Welsh or the British, just like for a while the Italians had it harder than the Germans or the Norwegians.

And I'm not going to get into it.

Tom Soule spent a life explaining this.

It all works out in the end.

But this...

idea that if everybody is not exactly the same, then it's a bunch of white people who did this.

And of course, the white majority were going to have racist ku Klux Klanners, Confederates that supported slavery, but every one of them was opposed by white people.

So the Klan was extinguished three times.

I mean, Andrew Johnson suspended habeas corpus after the Civil War to get rid of it.

Nathan Bedford Forrest was a pariah, pariah.

They stamped it out again in the 20s and 30s.

And so every time this flares up, it's been knocked down.

It's taken the civil rights movement.

And what i'm getting at is a self-correcting system because it's embedded in the constitution and in the declaration and so the next thing is that when you say it still exists a dominant population it does but we don't even know how to calibrate anymore it's so intermarried and integrated it's like the romans where were the italians who started the whole system in this third century a.d

They were there, but they were so all over the globe that it was hard to know who was Italian and North African and Spanish and British.

And that's sort of what we are now.

We're Mongols.

And when you say white supremacy, and most it's on TV and it's in elite, wokeism, white supremacy, white privileges, it's all a fight among white, wealthy white people and other wealthy black people, wealthy Asian, wealthy Latino.

They're all fighting each other for scraps of the top.

But for most people, it's not an issue.

But when you say it, and I really believe as a philologist, when you say white supremacy, okay let me define it so if you believe that white supremacy dominates the united states and let's look at areas where we can prove it hate crimes so there's all these white people with 70 of the population and they're committing these crimes of hatred against non-white just the opposite about 60 percent of those who commit hate crimes are white if you're african-americans 25 to 30 percent and only 12 of the population so whites are underrepresented in hate crimes blacks are overrepresented you mean the victims of hate crimes?

Is that their percentage?

And if you look at interracial crimes that are rare, the left or well, they're rare.

Well, yeah, they're rare percentage-wise, but they're like 500,000 in actual numbers.

And it's about four to five to one, depending on the violent crime against white people.

So where are the white supremacists?

They're outdoing this.

So when Lloyd Austin says, we're going to search white supremacists, we need the data.

Just show us the data.

Show us the data.

And if he had character, he'd say, I'm a little worried because white males tend to gravitate inordinately to combat units.

And because I am a proportional representationist or a repertory representationist, and I'm fixated by race, I've just looked at the data from Iraq, 74% Afghanistan, 75% of all the people killed are white males.

They only represent.

35% of the population.

Pull them out of combat until we get other people willing to go in there.

That's what he would do if he really was true to his beliefs as a racial percentage person, but he's not.

And when you look at, as again, per capita income, Asian Americans have a higher per capita income on average, most Asian American groups, than so-called white people,

absolute number of white people below the poverty line.

And I think part of the problem is that a Don Le Mon or an Oprah or a LeBron

or your professor at Stanford, administrator of diversity, They don't ever hang out with white people that are poor.

They don't know them.

They hate them.

They've never seen them.

I had to break up this conversation twice because I have another septic tank, an ancient one that collapsed.

And I called up a friend who owns a septic company.

He came out there and there are two white people as I'm speaking and they are in a pit.

And they are trying to fix it.

And it's not a very funny thing to be on the tottering over an open pit of water with, you know, what floating in it.

And they are scraping the edge of it around.

And they are fabricating new steel lids to replace the old wood ones.

And that took them all day to find out where it was.

And I was with them.

And I didn't have enough knowledge to remember exactly the layout of that particular system, which was built 50 or 60 years ago.

That was the new system.

But my point is they are white.

They have no privilege that I can see unless, you know, I don't see the people that I see at Stanford who all brag that they're people of color.

If I were to ask them, have you ever been in a septic tank before?

So I don't see that the majority of white people have privilege.

I don't.

I really don't.

By statistics, by violence,

crimes committed, we talk about they commit.

Even the mass shootings, you can say that white people commit more of these mass shootings only if you redefine them in a very strange way.

But if you just look at the number of people people who go out and shoot more than three or four people, it's not white people are underrepresented because you have to deal with the 8,000 people who are murdered in the inner city every year, and many of them two, three, four at a time.

Yeah.

The left seems to be relying on the term, though, to both censor people and to incite their own

followers.

So, what do they do?

And they're going to effective.

They're effective.

You name it.

Exactly.

A African-American goes up and shoots a medical clinic and shoots a surgeon.

No coverage.

A Mexican-American convict goes to a cabin and shoots five people, white people.

A African-American goes into Texas and shoots three Asian Americans.

I don't know if they're percentage-wise, but the point I do know is that Joe Biden will talk about white privilege in that context.

That's all he can talk about.

It's driving people insane.

They're sick of it.

It's racist.

And when you start saying white supremacy, white privilege, white supremacy, when I see these very wealthy people like Professor Kendi or Van Jones, who an awful white supremacist named Jeff Bezos just gave him $100 million,

when I see people like that start lecturing me on white supremacy,

I just say, well, why don't you go to Southern Ohio and tell those people about all the privileges?

They have so much more than the Stanford professors or the Anchor Woman or Oprah or

the Obamas on their third mansion.

And, you know, I don't see that.

So there is privilege, and it's called class privilege, class privilege.

And it's not fair because people get into that upper class and they take care of themselves and they get their kids in the Ivy League and they call up their friend on the tank and they intern and this and that.

But I don't see it based on race.

This whole thing is a fight.

It's a lobster bucket fight among the wealthy people.

It's, I want that anchor job of Chris Comos.

He's not diverse.

I'm on the view.

I should have more air time.

I want to be head press secretary and this.

And I want to be the corporate guy here.

And I want to be the college president.

I want to be the full professor.

That's what it's about.

It's not about a bunch of electricians down here who are really skilled saying, you know what?

I've got to have at least three black electricians and six Hispanic electricians and seven white electricians to do your packing shed.

It's not that.

All right, Victor, let's go ahead and take a moment for some messages and then come right back.

And I was hoping I could ask you about Tom Soule since you brought him up.

Give us a second for some messages and then we'll come right back.

Welcome back.

And Victor, your colleague, Tom Soule, I know he's a good friend of yours.

And you were talking about his work.

And I was wondering if you could give us just a short on the work that Tom Soule has done and sort of what is, I know he's an economist, obviously.

And so economic work has really made his name, but also other things about Tom Soule's work and life.

Well, I came to Hoover at 2002 and I of course knew who Tom Soule was.

And he called me and said, let's meet.

I think that was in 2003.

And I think he thought.

maybe that I, because I lived on a farm and I didn't live in Palo Alto, that I was a little different than a lot of academics.

And he felt that he was a little different.

And so for maybe 18 years, 17 years, we tried to meet once or twice a month for lunch and,

you know, just to talk about the world.

So I didn't have a lot of friends.

I knew Shelby Steele really well.

I knew the director, John Racing, I liked him a great deal.

And I knew Tom.

And those are about the three people that I associated with in those years, have a great deal of respect, but we got to be very good friends.

And then we had certain rules that, you know, we're just going to go to lunch, but every once in a while, one of us would bring somebody and that was kind of interesting, sometimes odd, but we kind of did that.

And then, you know, I was 49

and he was, I guess, almost 70 or was 70.

And now Tom is past 90.

And because of COVID, I haven't wanted to call him and go out to lunch, but we communicate on email.

But it was so fascinating to hear him talk because he was entirely empirical, empirical and logical.

And once in a while, we'd have a guest that would say something that would want to come to lunch.

And he would, it was like somebody carving a turkey very carefully.

The guy would pontificate and Tom would just ask a series of Socratic questions.

It would embarrass the guy.

One of them was a very prominent politician at one point.

I won't mention mention his name, but he was very outspoken.

He was fearless.

And he became one of my good friends.

And he is one of my good friends who I admire a great deal.

And I'm kind of eccentric in some ways, and he is too.

So I think we were matched with each other.

And so he would ask me, what's going on at Hoover?

And I would say, what's going on in the world, Tom?

And we would talk.

And his basic theme was always, don't ever expect that people will not do the same thing again and again, even though it's never worked because it's innate in their brains and it's a symptom of insecurities and all that.

So that was, he had a brilliant wife, Mary.

She was very brilliant.

She is very brilliant.

So, and then, you know, for maybe 10 years, Shelby Steele and an overseer and his wife and Tom and his wife.

My wife and I met for Christmas dinner.

That was always a big, I wish we could resume that if everybody's health is okay.

Yeah.

He's one of my favorite people.

Everybody talks about a great thinker.

He is.

He is a great thinker.

He's a great scholar.

I think he hasn't got due praise.

He's got a lot of praise, but not due praise yet.

But he's also a very interesting person to be around.

But I was curious about his cultural work.

Other, you know, obviously, again, he is an economist, but you mentioned that he did work on, I guess, it's black culture in America or why black culture has failed a lot of the people in the black country.

Yeah, but he always does it.

He writes these books about transcultural experiences.

So he goes into areas, say the Irish Catholics versus the Irish Protestants, or he goes in and the Hutus.

And the Hutus, yes, or he goes into East Germany and West Germany, whether it's political, ethnic, or racial differences.

And he tries to explain inequality.

And sometimes inequality is because of religious differences, or why is Jordan versus Israel different?

Or

why is Turkey doing better then than it is now?

Or why when you divide up Cyprus, is economic development in the Greek area that turns Turkish retarded and the Turkish area has become Hellenic accelerated?

So he looks for these case studies.

He tries to argue that it's not race, but it's culture.

And certain things promote values that lead to more affluence and productivity and freedom and stability.

And it's always with a moderate sort of view that if people tend to be transcendent or religious, but not fanatically religious, they tend to do better.

The degree that the religion allows for economic development and is not envious and says that, you know, this is good that you're prospering, that tends to do better than the alternative.

And if you have two tribal groups living side by side, and one tribal group puts a great deal of emphasis on the family and keeping it intact, and the other doesn't, then you know the results.

Politically, if you see East and West Berlin or Tijuana and San Diego, or North and South Korea, why is one in the same natural landscape do so much better?

And you put all that together, and he basically says in a very understated understated fashion that free market capitalism is superior to the alternatives constitutional government is superior to the alternative racial minorities who integrate assimilate and feel confident do better than those that don't he's been very you know the japanese in america he's things like that he tries to show why they have been successful.

And so he tries to take it out of the context.

Then he applies it backwards, retro, to the African-American community.

Yeah, okay.

And some of his most stunning work was in the pre-civil rights era.

And he has this sort of tragic view of human nature that when people treat a person unfairly, that's terrible and you've got to stop it.

But psychologically, it makes somebody fight back.

And I know that when I was in academia, I always did the best in a class where the teacher didn't like me

because I wanted to prove something.

And there's a lot that didn't like me, by the way.

And

but he would always say that if you look at divorce or abortion or fatherlessness or illegitimacy or drug use, when you look at the black family, say 1955 or 1935, and you compare it with poor white alternatives of the same social economic stratum, blacks were either no different or they actually had more families intact.

So then he he follows that and asks why after the Great Society did the black family have all of these difficulties.

and the answer of course is that these policies would never be turned loose on their own children or their own families you would never take a very prosperous white person and say we're going to give your daughter a lot of money for each child she has even if she's not married or we're going to take your other child and say you know what he just can't make it we're going to give him affirmative action and ensure him a position that's sort of like a legacy right that never works so that was what he was trying to say who's been a very fierce critic of wealthy white people Yeah.

All right.

Well, thank you for everything today.

What a wonderful discussion on topics that are so diverse, obviously, Mexico and then white supremacy.

So this is Sammy Wink and Victor Davis Hansen.

And please join us every Friday and Saturday for the Victor Davis Hansen show.

Thank you very much for listening.

Thanks to the listeners and we'll be signing off.

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