Ep 191 | They Broke America's Social Compact. What Now? | Steve Deace | The Glenn Beck Podcast

Charlie Sheen is an icon of decadence.

I lit the fuse and my life turns into everything it wasn't supposed to be.

He's going the distance.

He was the highest paid TV star of all time.

When it started to change, it was quick.

He kept saying, No, no, no, I'm in the hospital now, but next week I'll be ready for the show.

Now, Charlie's sober.

He's gonna tell you the truth.

How do I present this with any class?

I think we're past that, Charlie.

We're past that, yeah.

Somebody call action.

Yeah, aka Charlie Sheen, only on Netflix, September 10th.

Here's a little secret about the mainstream media.

They claim to hate conservative media, but

I think they're kind of obsessed with us.

And today's guest knows all about this.

He's been profiled by the New York Times magazine, ABC News.

During the 2016 election, oh, he was a regular on MSNBC, NPR, The Hill, Politico.

They've all turned to him for feedback on what's going on.

Media Matters, in particular, is totally in sweetheart love with this guy.

They once claimed that the Dace radio show and writings are more extreme and intolerant than his comments in mainstream media.

In the last three weeks alone, they've published 11 articles about him.

He's the number one best-selling author, the Faucian Bargain, the most powerful and dangerous bureaucrat in American history.

His latest is the rise of the fourth Reich.

This year, he took on Hollywood with his underdog success of Nefarious, which is just one of the projects that he and I have collaborated on.

He's done all the work.

I've just come in and I looked pretty.

We're more than just co-workers at Blaze TV.

His daily radio program is literally right after mine on the network.

At this point, he and I are so deep inside conservative media that we often forget how unique our job is.

And we're both so busy that we rarely get a chance to slow down and have kind of discussion discussion that make this podcast unique.

So let's slow down and please welcome Steve Dace.

Before we get to Steve, if you're like me, this time of the year, every time you step outside, you feel like you're supposed to be, you know, dropping the ring of power into Mount Doom.

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Hey, Steve.

Hey.

How are you?

I'm good, man.

How are you?

Tired.

You know, last night was the debate, and we were all here late.

And I haven't had a chance to talk to you one-on-one on

what the heck happened.

What happened last night?

It was a bizarre, never-before string of events that is

people are just acting like it's normal.

This is not normal.

None of this is normal.

I don't think anything about this cycle is going to be normal.

Yeah.

And I'm not sure that our people are prepared.

And in their defense, I don't know any people could be prepared.

But I think like even today, I mean, Fulton County originally wanted to have a trial in March, literally right after the D.C.

trial.

Now they want to have it on October the 23rd this year.

They announced that just right before you and I started sitting down here the talk.

It's not clearly a coupon.

It's an assassination.

We don't do Deale Plaza anymore.

That's too obvious.

So now we use social media and lawfare.

We're going to do assassinations that way.

And so

in a way, I had very low expectations going in, you know, and I actually enjoyed it more than I thought.

I did too.

It was one of the first debates.

The summit, I thought, changed everything.

And I was really wondering, how old and tired is this format going to look?

I actually got a lot of hope out of it.

I did, because

we needed to break up sort of the stagnant talking points of team GOP, waste, fraud, and abuse, efficiency.

Okay, we've heard all that stuff for 30 years.

And Trump came in and broke a lot of that monotony up and brought a flair and a showmanship back to the process.

And I think that attracted a lot of new eyeballs.

But I do fear now that we are at this existential,

we're at like 14 existential cliffs as a people right now on every front.

Socioeconomic, morally, culturally, theologically, philosophically, epistemologically, medically now after COVID.

We've got more existential cliffs than we know what to do with.

And I kind of feel now like we kind of need some of the old-time religion back.

Like the run-and-shoot offense was fun for a while, you know, but now we kind of get back to some blocking and tackling.

And I thought last night at the debate, we did something that I didn't, I don't know, it wasn't always great,

but we actually talked issues.

Now, most of the candidates and issues that matter, except when Fox decided to ask about UFOs instead of gender mutilation.

But for the most part, we talked issues.

And I thought, I think you saw two candidates that represented in their own way.

An understanding of what we like to say in the right, what time it is.

Everybody else, I thought, was from a different era, politically, a different paradigm and a bygone era.

Yeah, and it's, it's, I think Biden

has really done this.

I mean, Trump is, you know, in the same era as Biden, but Biden just looks like Father Time who has died about 10 years ago.

And, you know, when you had Ramaswamy and

DeSantis standing there, Nikki Haley at one point said, you know, it's time for the next generation.

And I thought of those two, not including her, and I realized, oh, she's the same age, but she was still speaking kind of the old language.

Right.

And I think that

there was one moment last night that I thought kind of encapsulated this the most.

And it was the question on education in the second half of the debate.

And

DeSantis goes first and talks about how he has specifically confronted things like,

critical race theory, the rainbow jihad, and thrown them out of the schools in Florida.

And he's probably the only person we know that's ever done something like that.

And so he talks about the specific threats, itemizes them, how I confronted them.

And then right after him, Vivek gets to follow up.

And Vivek talks about the broader zeitgeist cultural issues that led to the things that DeSantis had to confront.

And I thought that three to five minutes right there between the two of them, where Vivek highlighted the broader issues that led to the fights that DeSantis is now engaged in, and DeSantis talking about here are the fights I took on and how I got rid of these people.

I thought that was the best three to five minutes on the issue of education that has ever been televised in the history of the Republican Party.

And it's way beyond.

any of the talking points or anything we've been fed for a generation and really spoke to an understanding in their own way.

Vivek speaks thematically.

DeSantis speaks specifically.

But in their own way, they each touched on things in a level of depth that none of the rest of the candidates on that stage could, even if they wanted to.

No.

And I'm not, and I also don't think that's who Trump is.

I think Trump tries to find people that can do that.

You know, and I'll delegate you do that.

And I'll be over here, you know,

giving you air cover with the media.

But at some point, we need to,

we are, our people are, and when I say our people, I'm not just talking about now people who consume products like ours.

I mean our countrymen.

We are in a nuclear winner epistemologically.

Most people don't know why they believe what they believe.

They don't know what is true.

We're at a point right now that guys like you and I, for example, could go on MSNBC and pretend we believe like them and we could actually articulate their views better than them.

They have been so successful in dumbing down and removing critical thinking from their side of the aisle to get them to buy into their false premises that now their own people can't even explain what they think.

They're not like smart anymore.

There's no Andrew Sullivans anymore.

There's no Gory Vidals debating William F.

Buckleys anymore.

They're not smart.

Their arguments are dumb.

They're very vapid, shallow.

It's all name-calling.

Well, if you just disagree with me, they must be racist.

They have, because they haven't been taught anything else.

And we need to have, you know, I was reading a book recently by a guy I know that you know, kind of his memoirs, James Robison, wrote his memoirs.

And he was talking about how Billy Graham came back from the Soviet Union in 1979.

He was invited to speak there.

And found out while he was there that they were basically using him as propaganda during the confrontation with the Carter administration over the Olympics and things of that nature.

And that Billy Graham was walking through Red Square and just, you know, thought the Lord spoke to him and said,

freedom will be gone from America and the West within the next decade unless you guys radically change course.

And so he came back and he called some of the people that we now know today as kind of the founding fathers of the old Christian right, the Pat Robertsons, the

Adrian Rogers, the James Robinsons.

And he convened a meeting here in Dallas, actually.

They met here in Dallas.

And what do we do in the future?

And one of the things they decided was they had to find a leader, someone that could speak to the people about the extent.

and the stakes that they were playing for, how serious the matter of the moment was.

And when they looked and surveyed the landscape of who was going to run in the Republican Party in that next cycle, the only person they could think of that had that credibility was somebody none of them knew at the time.

The former actor is what they called him, Ronald Reagan.

And

they decided to go to him and try to, he wasn't going to run again in 1980.

He had already run in 76 and lost and was maybe going to move on from politics.

And they basically convinced him that you are the one person that can stand up on that stage.

nationally and convince people of the existential stakes that we are standing on and that we're on the brink of right now as a people.

And what we desperately need right now.

And the window for this is closing, Glenn.

We have this thing on the right right now that we somehow believe there is some middle way to win other than policy or bullets.

There never has been that way.

Our founders gave us a constitution so we'd fight civil wars at the ballot box and in the halls of legislatures and Congress and not out on the streets.

These sorts of irreconcilable differences that we have now as as a people, they're only determined by policy outcomes or bullets.

There is no killer meme.

There is no devastating troll that we're going to come up with and Randy Weingarten is going to say, you know what?

Hot damn.

Dow is really going to convince another generation of kids to become Marxists.

But I read your killer meme and I'm really ashamed of myself and I'm going to stop.

It doesn't happen.

We have to beat them in policy or we're going to have to fight them.

That's history.

I don't, I'm not going to, you and I at our age aren't going to be the ones fighting them.

Our kids and grandkids are.

And we're going to force them to do that if we don't take advantage of the window we have right now to use whatever remnant of constitutional processes we have to peaceably but aggressively push back on this.

And we need someone to stand on the stage and explain: here's why I'm doing this.

Here's what's at stake.

All right.

And if we don't do this, here's what will happen.

And if we don't do this and take advantage of this window,

I don't even want to contemplate

where things are in five or 10 years.

Wow, I can't even think that far out

if we don't really dramatically change and find this person.

A story I've never shared before.

Mike Lee, and I think it started as a joke.

Mike Lee used to say to me all the time, you should run for president.

And I'm like, are you out of your mind?

And he called me one day.

about a year ago, and he, I was, we were just chatting.

My wife finally came in.

She's like, what are you two talking about?

Wrap it up.

And I said, he's trying to convince me to run for president.

And I'm, I'm like, Mike, that's the dumbest thing.

I have no, that's where it ended.

I said, I have no chance of winning.

And he laughed and he said, oh, of course not.

I'm not saying you should run for president.

Because I think you could win.

Somebody needs to articulate where we are and what we face and who we have always been and need to remember who we are.

He said, We need a storyteller.

And I think we have that now.

On the stage last night,

between DeSantis

and

Vivek,

we have Vivek doing the big aspirational Ronald Reagan, which was fascinating that he coupled it with

he's so positive of here's here's who we are.

Here's who we, what we're going to be again.

But he started it with, it's not morning in America.

I thought that was one of the most important lines.

Me too.

I agree with that.

Me too.

And I have been critical of Vivek the last few months, and I will explain why.

I think I MC'd his first campaign event in Iowa.

It was a bitterly cold night in January.

I mean, really bad.

And I wasn't sure he called and asked me to do this.

I adore Kathy Barnett, who is kind of his top campaign advisor.

And so she called and asked me to do it.

And

I had some mutual friends that knew him who were very high on him.

So I was very curious.

And I went, not sure how many people would come.

There were well over 100 people there in the dead of January in Des Moines, Iowa, that early in the process.

That is a very good crowd.

I mean, the place was packed at this restaurant.

And I watched him stand up there and take questions.

I mean, I watched him take questions from my fellow evangelicals who dominate Iowa on religion as a Hindu.

And I watched him like, and I'm a Bible guy.

I use your network.

Your network's not explicitly Christian.

I use your network and platform.

I'll do Bible studies, theology conversations.

And so I'm a big Bible guy.

When I hear Mike Pence bring it up, I cringe.

Me too.

As a Bible guy.

Like, I can't imagine what the rest of the broader culture

who isn't into that or doesn't understand it.

I can't even imagine how they receive it because I cringe when Mike Pence talks about it.

When Mike Pence talked last night, I agreed with, I love Jesus.

That's the problem.

We are not worshiping God.

We've lost our way.

I agree with everything he said.

And my skin crawled when he was saying it.

I agree.

So

I don't know what it is.

Now, obviously, I've got fundamental religious differences with Vivek.

I believe there is one God, not 33, for example.

And yet there's more sincerity from him, I think, when he talks about these broader spiritual themes than from somebody like Pence, who I more theologically would agree with.

When he said last night, the most effective form of government in human history is the nuclear family.

I mean, that's now you're speaking my love language.

Okay.

And so I listened to this for two hours.

And I'm like, I think I could see this becoming a thing in Iowa.

I mean, I really could.

Something happened the last few months where until like the second hour of last night's debate, I've not heard a lot of that.

And here's what I honestly think.

I honestly believe that he thought.

This was an opportunity to have a very serious conversation about the next generation.

And then he got out on the campaign trail and maybe found out maybe the people aren't that serious.

Maybe what they want is a troll, a show.

And so I'm going to become that guy.

And kind of be, and I think you saw that at the first hour of the debate last night.

Okay.

I'm the only one that controlled.

I'm the only one

that has done this.

And he even got booed.

He went so far over the board, overplayed that hand.

He actually got booed at one point in the debate.

Second half.

He was on that line, which I thought was really bad.

Second half of the debate we got is when he just kind kind of was the

curious ideologue that people like you adore.

And I think you saw him absolutely shine at that point.

And when I look at DeSantis, I see a guy that understands the broader stakes very well, does not thematically communicate them as well as Vivek, but understands how government works.

And Ron DeSantis to me, do you remember the old SNL skit with Phil Hartman?

It was during Iran-Contra.

And it was the early years of the Dana Carvey, Chris Farley,

you know, Phil Hartman era of SNL.

And they did this skit where Hartman played Ronald Reagan, who was like, I don't remember anything.

I'm old.

I'm losing my memory.

And then so Reagan would play this up.

You know, Jimmy Stewart played by Dana Carvey would come visit him.

And he'd act like he doesn't remember when they were in movies together, doesn't remember his name, right?

And then at seven o'clock when the White House press corps goes home, switch gets flipped, right?

And the Oval Office is like a freaking bat cave.

And Reagan is like doing foreign exchange rates for Iran in his head.

You remember this skit?

It's brilliant.

And like Reagan is actually the godfather.

He's in complete control.

The amiable dunce thing is all in act.

And when the TV cameras go off, he is actually in complete and total control all by himself.

That's kind of who Ron DeSantis is, actually.

He's kind of the guy that doesn't need much of a staff.

I mean, he actually enjoys the, he wants to know where the bodies are buried.

He wants to know the specifics.

He is eager to exercise power against his enemies and in favor of his ideology.

And I thought what you saw between Vivek and Ron last night was two halves of

the singular brain that we need right now.

Someone who can emotionally speak to the zeitgeist and the themes that are at stake, and Vivek does that exceedingly well.

And then someone, though,

eventually it's time, as Jesus said, why do you call me Lord if you do not do what I say, right?

Eventually, it's time to grow some fruit on the tree.

Who can do the things that Vivek talks about?

And that is where DeSantis shines.

And I think what would be fascinating is to see the the two of them on a stage together for two hours and to watch the doer versus the thinker.

And the guy that...

Well, he is.

He's a doer.

He's not been a doer for government.

I mean, he has run large corporations.

He's successful.

Correct.

But he's not a government guy.

Correct.

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One of the things we learned about with Trump is that running the government like a business is not easy, first of all.

Yes.

Okay.

Secondly, remember, Trump didn't run like your classic corporation.

He ran an empire.

He didn't face shareholders, division heads.

So he could be that Phil Hartman character.

I mean, he could hire and fire in a given day.

I'm done with you.

You're gone.

I liked you.

I don't.

You're done.

And when you're running

the largest corporation on planet Earth, the executive branch of the United States government, man, that includes the Pentagon, okay, the Department of Justice and everything else.

Your ability to figure out who's going to run the fiefdoms.

I can't watch everything.

This is beyond the grasp of no man.

It's like Moses, right?

And Jethro, his father-in-law, comes to him and says, this is too much for one man.

You've got to figure out who you're going to delegate this to.

And so he figured out, I'm going to delegate it to people like Steve Mnunchin and Rex Tellerson.

And we all know these names, okay?

And they were disasters, all right?

Notice where Trump shined when he could unilaterally act foreign policy, for example.

I can unilaterally direct that.

I can walk into a room of Saudi chics and declare: here's the new America plan.

If you like making money, we'll help you.

If you want to be left alone, we'll leave you alone.

If you get in our way, we're going to drop Moabs on you.

Any questions?

And lo and behold, man, we had peace deals you've never seen.

He undid 40 years of failed Bush-Clinton era, Jim Baker and

Madeleine Albright foreign policy, and where he could directly intervene, judicial appointments, although that still required some level of approval, okay, executive orders.

He did great.

Now, of course, Biden comes in and can erase all those executive orders in 10 minutes.

But the best parts of Trump's presidency, where he did things for us no one had ever done before, and accomplished things that were way beyond people's expectations, is when he could directly intervene and act.

When he actually had to move government, negotiate, move the party.

He outsources Obamacare to McConnell and Ryan.

It never gets done.

He could not, that's because that's not his background.

And that's not the kind of business he ran.

The kind of business he ran was, I am committed to the arena, thumbs up or thumbs down.

When he was able to do that as president, he was an A-plus.

When he was not able to do that as president, he was handicapped.

So the problem that he had, I think, and he has said this, is he didn't realize this is what he said to me.

He didn't realize the scope and how deep the problems went.

And he just didn't make his loading of his team the priority.

He was going to make that in the second term.

But now

I'm not sure if he can get enough people.

I mean, we're talking thousands of people that are going to be reporting directly to him or somebody else that is supposed to, you know, be taking care of his vision.

I don't know.

who can find these things on their own.

It's going to take a tremendous team and a team that is

not from the swamp,

not your usual players

and people with just nerves of steel.

You saw this with Reagan.

When Reagan came from California with Lynn Knofsinger and Michael Deaver, when he came, Ed Meese,

when he brought the California team with him in his first term, he revolutionized the political landscape.

Now, it wouldn't look revolutionary to us 40 years later, but judging from

where the political system was in 1981,

it was very radical.

Then what happens?

The second term, a lot of those people go home, man.

They're tired.

Washington is a grind.

They want their lives back.

And now kind of the Howard Bakers and those kinds of people now begin to take over.

And now we're going to give Big Pharma a lifetime exemption.

Now we're going to do amnesty that loses California and turns it into the worst blue state in the country.

And so personnel, this is the old Morton Blackwell line from the Leadership Institute.

Personnel is policy, your ability to identify personnel.

And this gets back to the conversation with the law fair against Trump.

You know, so a friend of mine, Jenna Ellis, who was one of the president's attorneys,

and she had no clue.

Jenna had no clue she was going to get indicted in Fulton County.

No heads up.

No one called her.

No one asked her any questions.

She was just hanging out on Twitter the day the indictments come down and reads on Twitter, her name is in it.

She was just stunned and blown away.

So now she's got to scramble, all right, to come up with the money for an attorney.

Because of the likelihood you'll be disbarred, discredited because you're representing anybody associated with Trump.

All right.

This is like, you know, working,

this is the legal equivalent of managing a convenience store in South Central LA, third shift.

All right.

You're going to pay those guys a lot more an hour than you're paying people working, you know, at eight o'clock in the morning because it's a lot more dangerous.

All right.

And so she was quoted as much as million-dollar retainers.

She finally got a competent attorney who would do this for a $50,000 retainer.

That was the cheapest she could find before we got to the billable hours.

She's been told to keep her out of prison.

It'll cost a minimum of a half a million dollars.

Now, she's at the low end of this RICO case that they're trying to do in Fulton County.

What's it costing Rudy Giuliani and the people at the top end?

I've been told by a little birdie John Eastman's legal fees are already over $2 million.

How many people that you and I both know, you and I both know a lot of people that worked in the Trump administration, how many of those people can afford the lawfare of being Trump adjacent?

And that's one we have to ask ourselves.

Can he form an administration?

If he were to, let's say he beats all these, he's got 41 indictments.

That's a lot.

Let's say he beats them all.

Let's say he convinces the normies and independents to come back to him that we've lost the last three elections and pulls all of that off.

That's an incredibly tall task.

But let's say he does it.

Who's then willing to go?

You think these people are going to say, you know what, you beat us again.

So we're just going to go ahead and beat our swords in the plowshares now and let you govern.

No, they're going to triple down on what they did before.

What competent people will want to go in there knowing that the minute they sign on to a letterhead that has Trump's name on it, I'm looking at walking out of here, not making millions of dollars writing my memoirs of working in the White House, but spending millions of dollars on legal bills.

That's, there's a reason why a lot of the best people, and I'm not talking, you know, the Steve Mnuchin or Jared Kushner's, people that we liked.

There's a lot of, there's a reason why even the people that we liked are not formally with the Trump campaign while they're supporting him publicly because they can't afford

what's going to happen to them because of that.

And I think that these are the kinds of questions we have to consider.

And nobody wants to talk about them.

And I understand why it's uncomfortable.

We shouldn't be talking about these things.

It's a friggin disaster that we are.

But we're sitting here right now.

And can anybody, who can say right now that at this time,

I think it's 326 days

until someone will give the acceptance speech at the GOP convention in Milwaukee next July 18th?

Can you tell me right now?

I mean,

you have a history of being a visionary and seeing things coming in our movement, in our industry before a lot of people doing connecting dots.

Tell me right now, do you know for sure that Donald Trump will have the freedom to go to Milwaukee, to leave Mar-a-Lago, and go to Milwaukee in person and deliver that acceptance speech?

They wouldn't have to do it like over Zoom Zoom via house arrest.

They wouldn't have to take a plea agreement, that he wouldn't even be incarcerated in some way, shape, or form.

Can you tell me right now that you know for sure that that's the case?

Because I don't.

No.

And I say that because

of the cowardice of attorneys.

Our attorneys in this country have grown fat and wealthy on the just gorging themselves on the blood of freedom.

And

they are all

complete wusses.

None of them want to take him on, you know, in his defense.

No one wants to because they're being threatened that they'll lose their

firm, their jobs, their reputation.

So everybody wants to stay away.

And because we don't have a John Adams and we don't have a...

Who will even represent Red Coach in the Boston Massacre?

Yes.

and we don't have a.

I mean, when you look at John Adams, that was almost a death sentence for him to take on.

He was the most unpopular guy at the time, but he did it because it was right.

I don't see those people stepping to the plate.

I don't see those people,

you know, they're using, they are twisting the law and using every trick in the book and distorting and pushing

to get him into a courtroom, lawfare.

Where are the people who are the prosecutors in any of these states where Hunter Biden agreed?

Where are they?

So this is where the pair, like, for example, back to Jenna.

Her bond is $100,000, Glenn, to stay out of jail.

$100,000.

And again, she's at the low end of this Fulton County case.

She can't just come up with $100,000 out of nowhere.

Thankfully, a lot of people, including our own Mark Levin, myself and others, have publicized her legal defense.

She's probably raised enough to come up with the bond and her retainer, but I mean, she's still got to come up with hundreds of thousands of dollars more.

Why?

You asked the key question a second ago.

And I had to undergo this paradigm shift as well.

I mean, I would have been somebody who four or five years ago, 2017, I'd have said, no way.

I mean,

we don't tell private corporations like Twitter what to do if they want to ban people.

They're a private company.

We don't want to set that example.

When we talk about the Constitution,

we got to go back aware.

Understand the Constitution begins with the words, we the people, in order to form a more perfect union.

That is a statement of social compact,

right?

So a marriage

is not the genesis of a covenantal relationship between a man and a woman.

It is the formalizing of it, the quantifying of it, the announcement of it.

That That covenant, you're searing that covenant, but you've already stepped into it by your willingness to confirm it publicly, meaning that that association, that intimacy, that desire to be with one another in that union has already been expressed.

The marriage is just the culmination of that expression.

That's what our Constitution is.

The Declaration of Independence is sort of the DNA of America.

The social compact is, this is who we are as a people.

This is how we're going to agree to live together.

This is

how are we going to sell out our differences and maintain e pluribus unum, as you've talked about for years.

The Constitution is simply just a legal quantification of those things.

It's not a mission statement.

It is the announcement of the marriage.

The marriage has already taken place.

There's already 13 states.

We've already formed a union.

Now we're going to talk about how we're going to live together in light of the fact we've agreed to live together.

It's that social compact that is broken.

The old way of doing things, and it frustrated people like us at times because it would work against us.

But the old social compact was in the two-party era post-Civil War.

If one side went too far right of center or one side went too far left of center, then there would be such a unique backlash of punishment by the voters for doing so that are not really as politically in tune to either side like people like you and I are, our audiences.

That backlash would be so prohibitive then that it would keep people in check.

And a lot of times Republican establishment figures would tell people like you and I, we can't do this stuff that you want us to do because we'll get the backlash of the very voters you're talking about.

When Barack Obama won the presidency in 2008,

that was a sign that the social compact in America is over.

A new breed of left-wing activists had taken over now.

And someone that is not interested in polls doesn't care.

He's a...

Wait, wait, wait.

That's not what I think the American people thought they were getting.

They thought they were expunging themselves.

They thought

they were absolving

a century of sin, of racism, and the sin.

And they were coming together.

We the people want to show that we are not correct people.

But you don't sit in

Jeremiah Wright's church for a few years and not absorb a few things.

Yeah, I know.

That's not where you go to church in order to flaunt yourself or build up a political resume.

You go to a church like that because you're a true believer.

And what happened is an actual Marxist got elected.

And he's out to win an argument with history.

Republicans are out to win the next election and win polls.

So go back and think of that era when we'd have like fights over the sequester and government funding, right?

And you'd watch Boehner and McConnell make the walk of shame to the White House and come out empty-handed with nothing, okay?

Because they were negotiating against themselves.

Remember when Bill Clinton got annihilated in 94 and the next State of the Union he gave in 95, what was his opening statement?

The era of big government is over.

He heard the voters.

He saw the backlash.

The second term of Bill Clinton, we got the Defensive Marriage Act.

We got balanced budgets.

We got three strikes and you're out for criminals.

We got welfare reform.

You couldn't be on welfare for more than two years.

These are the kinds of things the Republicans did.

These are racist, misogynists, xenophobic, homophobes.

Bill Clinton did them all in the second term.

That's a different era, though.

He represented a different era.

A new generation of left-wing activists is what Obama represents.

And so Obama was not deterred by the, he got a 94-like annihilation in 2010 by the Tea Party.

Didn't care.

He then got even worse in 2014.

We had a nine-seat swing.

in one Senate election.

That's one of the biggest in American history.

Didn't deter him at all.

He came in a Marxist, went out a Marxist.

He was out to reshape the country.

He's a crusader on a mission.

And so therefore, your traditional ability of deferring, we maintain our constitutional fealty.

We let them go radical and the voters will step in as referees and punish them for overreacting and overreach.

That doesn't happen any longer.

And this last midterm election, when you saw me nearly have a nervous breakdown sitting next to you on the stage that night, was the final proof of that.

And that's why I was having a nervous breakdown because there's no more excuses.

Now we don't have the Trump excuse, the mean tweets.

He's not on the ballot anymore.

They're literally out there wearing unitards and pitchforks, open demon, open demonic, you know, we're going to gender mutilate your kids.

If there was ever a moment the normies would have come home and said, like they used to, and they would have said, okay, that can't happen.

We can't have Hillary care.

We can't have Obamacare.

If there was ever a moment that the Normies would have come home and said, time for a backlash midterm election, man, this would have been the one.

I was convinced we were going to have it.

Not a single meaningful incumbent in America lost.

It was like the most incumbent, pro-incumbent midterm election in modern history after all the hell they just put us through.

And what broke me was that realization, like, oh,

the old system is out now.

We're going to have to actually punish, we're going to have to elect Republicans that will punish Democrats.

We can't trust the voters anymore.

We have to elect the Republicans that will do this, that will now take the power we give them.

The old social compact of this is e pluribusunum is broken now.

And now this is a full-out full-out cold civil war.

And what we need now is, and how did we win the last civil war?

Reagan understood there were men in the Kremlin who looked at the weakness of the United States and actually thought they could win a nuclear war.

He had to create a deterrent so there would be mutually assured destruction.

You understand no one wins this.

Okay.

You cannot win.

You fire 100 at us, we'll fire 1,000 at you.

Okay.

You can't win.

All we'll do is just turn this thing into a dust bowl for cockroaches.

No one can win.

And we are going to have to elect Republicans, Glenn, that will do that.

And you kind of alluded to it a minute ago, right?

Where are the Red State AGs?

Where are the Red County AGs and places

where Hunter Biden took a dump once,

drove through your state once, and you got it on camera?

Hey, that's residency.

We got you.

Okay.

Where is the equal law fair to say?

If you do this to us, we will do this to you.

Are you sure you want to do this?

What's happening right now is there is no mutually assured destruction.

They think they can do whatever they want to us and get away with it.

And they can.

They do.

And the voters have checked out.

They're not going to hold them accountable anymore.

And one of the big reasons why is they just don't like Republicans.

They just, they hate, they don't think Republicans will do what they think.

It's funny, if you look at the midterm elections, who were the Republicans that actually won?

Not even guys I agree with all the time, like Brian Kemp and Mike DeWine, but guys who actually led their states, not always in ways I would have, Ron DeSantis, my governor, Kim Reynolds.

They were the ones that won big.

No other Republicans anywhere run.

In other words, the idea that I'm just going to vote Republican now is a check-in balance against Democrats ain't going to work anymore.

You're going to have to earn my vote.

I don't trust any of you guys.

Okay.

I don't think you're going to do what I think.

I don't think you're going to do your high-minded talk.

I don't think we're going to cut government or any of that kind of stuff.

I think you're going to help your corporate cronies.

That's what I think you're going to do.

Yeah.

Now, this might not come as a surprise to you,

but Steve and I both love meat.

Yeah, all-American meat.

Knock the horns off it.

Just take the chill off and

put it on a plate.

Love it.

I especially like really good meat that's free.

Yeah, yeah.

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Oh, and there's something else.

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Can you imagine what meat prices are going to be in a year from now?

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Now, Republicans are going to have to lead now.

We're going to elect people that will go to Disney and say, no, you're not going to put porn in our schools.

In fact, I'm going to not only,

I'll give you one story about DeSantis that just blew my mind at the time.

One of his staffers is a guy named Kyle Lamb, a buddy of mine.

And

when DeSantis came out against Disney, I sent Kyle a text and I said,

Dude, really?

I didn't expect that.

But I said, you know what?

If you really want to hurt Disney and take them on, tell your boy to go after their set-asides and that'll really hurt him where it counts.

And he texts me back, LOL, I think we're probably a little ways away from doing something like that.

48 hours later, Ron DeSantis walks out there and says, and we're going to take away their corporate set-asides and all of their grift and all of their Bennies.

And we're going to treat them like Bush Gardens and SeaWorld and every other attraction in Florida.

No more favoritism for you.

That blew my mind because I just never saw a Republican do anything like that.

The closest was what Scott Walker did in Wisconsin, where he actually took the union's ability to use government to fund themselves away.

Okay.

But the idea of now affirmatively, that was still like a check and balance move, though, but like taking power and then affirmatively wielding it against the other side to punish them.

One of our colleagues here at the Blaze, Oron McIntyre, likes to say, politics is about punishing your enemies and rewarding your friends.

He's right.

Now, we can do that in ways that are still constitutional.

I am not saying to become nihilists and go on, become Japanese, the version, the right-wing American version of Japanese kamikaze pilots.

But for a long time, Glenn, we've been nicer than God.

And I think anything short of helping them burn the Constitution ourselves and violating the Ten Commandments, we ought to be willing to do to win.

And we're not willing to do most of those things yet.

And that's why we're on the brink of the government.

I am willing to do absolutely everything the Constitution allows us to do.

I am willing to do everything that the Bill of Rights allows us to do.

And I am willing to look at new strategies like Vivek has talked about.

You know,

my theory is I can fire all these people, or I'm working for them, not the other way around.

I agree with that.

And that's a battle I want to fight.

But I am not willing to become everything I despise.

I agree.

Zero times zero is still zero.

Right.

And so we are

my fear is that we either continue to elect people like Mitch McConnell, who will, we're over, we're over.

Or

we,

because hunger is coming.

Hunger is coming.

You think crime in our cities is bad now?

Give it a year.

Give it a year.

Especially if a Republican will win.

We are headed for real hard times.

And the next logical step that happens throughout history is dictatorship.

And

I

feel it's very necessary.

to make sure that when we talk about things like this, that we are saying, and everybody else that is involved is saying, we are based on what you said, Declaration of Independence, that's our mission statement.

How to do it is our Constitution.

And just a safety reminder, you're never to do any of these things is a Bill of Rights.

Those three things.

And if we can have some sort of a great awakening that balances that power, does not fuse itself, but balances it.

If we can restore those things, that's a high, high bar to fill, especially when people are like, just stop them.

Just stop them.

What you just described is

just to show you how high of a bar it is.

It's only happened one time in human history, we just described.

That's called the American Revolution.

I know.

What typically happens is either the Little Red Book Revolution or the French Revolution.

Some form of vaux populi power to the people.

The problem is the people are sinners.

And so when they they don't recognize that, meaning they don't have that awakening, that revival.

We had great awakenings before we had a revolution.

When people don't have the realization that there is a God and you're not it, and you're accountable to him, and

you're a human, he's not.

You're finite, he's not.

You're a sinner, he's not.

Without that humility, what ends up happening is The Vaux Populi Revolution ends up killing even more people than the previous aristocracy of elites did.

That's what you've seen in Marxist countries, where you see the French Revolution.

And so, when they're done taking the guillotine to the elites, they then roll it over to the church next.

They bring out the bishops, they execute them, they take the Virgin Mary out of the cathedral of Notre Dame, and they put the goddess of reason in it.

They call it a reign of terror

because we're God now.

All right.

And we're going to replace the people that gave us the old gods.

That's why, that's why.

There is something new being introduced now that

is

very

reminiscent of

1930, early 1930s.

And that is

this idea that it is

modernism that is the problem, that the

Enlightenment was a problem, that we have to go back and reset

before.

the Declaration of Independence, before the Enlightenment, before you could ask questions, before science.

Science is not bad.

It is the idea that the scientists now believe they're God.

Yes.

That's true.

They're no longer seeking truth.

They're conjuring it.

Correct.

Yeah.

You're describing

going back to a pre-Judeo-Christian understanding of the world.

Correct.

And if you go and say, you know, in Germany, it could have been very easy.

to go and say, you know what?

It's these doctors, it's these nurses that really got us into trouble.

Because it was.

It was the medical establishment.

But they knew it was the people's philosophy that had gone.

It's not science.

It's the people's philosophy that are in science.

And so what's new here, I think, that you add to what you were just saying is

there are many people on the right too that are now starting to say none of that is any good.

None of the the Declaration of Constitution.

We have to go before questioning

of anything to be able to come back.

That's a slaughterhouse as well.

I agree.

One of the things I am frustrated by,

I don't believe,

and this last election again broke me

because I don't believe, I don't like saying this, okay?

But I don't believe there is literally anything the system could do to Donald Trump that would make the independents and normies that have deserted us the last few elections and

who have made it clear they don't like him suddenly say, you know what?

You masked my kids.

You told me I had to take an experimental shot in order to have a job.

And you locked down my church.

And I don't really care about all of that.

But you know what?

This billionaire that you're persecuting now, that's suddenly a real issue for me, despite the fact I voted for a dementia patient who gave me the worst

new car market in American history and the most expensive housing market in American history.

I voted for this dementia patient over mean tweets

and created generational damage for my kids and grandkids.

But now that you're treating Donald Trump unfairly, I suddenly care more about him than I cared about my own household when I voted against him the last few months.

So what happens when they put him in jail?

I think nothing happens.

I think we will meme.

I think that we will,

I mean, the amount of mugshots that I saw trending today, people coming up with their own Trump mugshots for fun,

that I saw on conservative Twitter.

Again, a lot of people think this is a show.

I saw a YouGov poll last week that showed only 12% of Republicans think Trump will be convicted.

A buddy of mine who works

for a governor, a Republican governor, was at the gym the day of the D.C.

indictment.

And he was there with a bunch of his buddies, and they're sitting around the TV watching it in between sets.

And he looks at him and he says, you guys know that they're going to convict him, right?

This is Washington, D.C.

It's a gulag.

It's not a jury.

And his his buddies looked at him.

These are his buddies.

Oh, no, man.

Trump's got a plan.

It's a show.

Okay.

And I think we are not as serious as our enemies are.

They are serious as a COVID jab-induced myocarditis heart attack.

Very serious.

I think we think this is a show.

I think we think that some form of normalcy will just kind of organically return.

And I think it's because we're very comfortable.

And

in May, I was invited to a meeting of some Christian ministry leaders from around the country.

And we all agreed politics stays away for now.

Let's just talk about where the country is spiritually and where we think things are going.

And we just got together, prayed together, talked, had a very blunt conversation.

And one of the senior members of the leaders that were there got up towards the end, almost like Benjamin Franklin man in Independence Hall kind of stuff.

He's one of the oldest guys there.

And he got up and he looked at us and he said, you know, there's been a lot of talk about we need revival.

And I have said on my show for years, it's revival or bust, right?

He goes, everybody here is talking about revival.

He goes, just make sure do you guys truly understand what you're asking the Lord for if you ask for that?

Because he cannot send revival to us right now.

We're too comfortable.

We'll reject it.

We don't think we need him.

We think we got this figured out.

We're all good to go.

If we just nominate the right Republican and win the next election, or if I get the right job, if I marry the right person, my kids get in the right school, we'll get this whole thing fixed.

He goes, so he goes, I desperately agree this country's needed revival.

He said, then I have more time than all my 70, 80 plus years.

But understand what you're asking the the Lord to do if we want revival is to humble.

We have to be humbled first.

And he said in the 17th and 18th century, we had awakenings alongside normal American life without a lot of civil disruption because

we weren't as prosperous and comfortable as we are now.

There wasn't a such thing as a teenager in 1812.

All right.

Nobody, nobody, nobody during the 18th century, Jonathan Edwards revivals

had a social media account that they were monetizing.

I mean, life in and itself

was far more uncomfortable than anything we could tolerate today.

So awakenings without a mass amount of civil unrest could be possible because the people were much humbler back then.

We're going to have to be humbled quite a bit.

And so if we truly want revival, he said, things are going to actually have to probably get markedly worse than they are right now.

They will.

And that froze me.

I hadn't even thought about that because I'd always looked at the past and when awakenings happen and they happen within the largely normal aspects of American life.

But this is not the same American life as 300 years ago.

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Look, I think the Lord's been trying to humble us since 9-11.

And we just keep getting more and more arrogant.

And in everything we do, we try to prove to him we're God and we don't need you.

The reason why we have the society we have is because we've lost humility, because we've lost gratitude.

I mean,

I get up every day and there will be something in my life that happens.

And it doesn't have to be grand.

It can just be standing someplace and looking at just the technology of everyday life.

Thank you.

My gosh, look at where we're living.

Look at the time we're living in.

Even look at the bad things that are happening and the good things that could happen on the horizon.

All of this,

no one has lived like we are living right now.

And because we just

take it and go, yeah, it's always going to be like this.

We have no gratitude and we have no humility.

When my son was younger, he was about nine, and we sat and we watched Disney's Man in Space, which is the 1955 film that he made that actually convinced America we could go to space and go to the moon.

And Werner von Braun was part of it.

And

the next thing that was up was

Man on Mars, and also a Disney thing.

And I said to my son,

It'll be amazing when we go to Mars.

And he said,

we haven't been there?

I said, no.

And he said, why?

I said, well, it's a little difficult.

It's a long, long, long, long, long, long, long way away.

And I realized

this is the everything is possible to them.

Everything.

You can do anything.

Sky's the limit.

Mars, why aren't we there?

How come we're not there?

I've heard people say, oh, we definitely didn't land on the moon.

You know, India just became the fourth country to be able to land on the moon, I think, yesterday.

And if we could do that, you know, Russia just crashed a lunar rover.

China has crashed.

You know, we have these rockets from Musk that are blowing up.

We never went to the moon.

Yeah, we did.

It's just very difficult to do it.

We have no

concept of any of that now.

And, you know, that's why the people in China, I have been told, the Christians in China have been praying for us to

for our economy and everything to collapse.

And they're doing it because, because I said,

what are you praying for?

And they said,

Humility.

You have to be humbled.

You don't remember who you are.

You don't remember.

Within a decade, there'll be more Christians in China than any country in the world.

There's a better chance that you will be converted to Christianity being born in China than in Chicago.

If you look at the stats, I got news for you.

I was a better member of my faith in New York than I ever am in Salt Lake City.

Because there's no rub.

There's no, it's just, that's what it is.

It's like being

a Catholic in Rome.

So before you and I started recording this, I got an email yesterday from a gentleman who, one of his best friends is a guy named Darrell Evans.

And Darrell Evans is a former Major League Baseball All-Star.

And he was the first player in baseball history to hit 40 home runs in both the American and National League.

And he played for my beloved childhood Detroit Tigers as a kid.

And I watched him, you know, my entire childhood on the great Sparky Anderson Tiger teams of the 80s.

And he comes in today, and it turns out he's a big fan of you and the Blaze and our show.

And he wants to, he comes in, I give him the tour, you were still on the air.

And he lets me put on, he brings it, comes in wearing his 1984 Detroit Tigers World Series ring.

Wow.

And it is actually a perfect fit on my finger.

And I take a picture with him in the ring.

And my wife takes the picture.

And I go to talk, and I can't.

Because I'm thinking to myself, I'm back to being the 10-year-old boy that when my parents went to bed and the Tigers on the West Coast, and it's 10:30 Eastern, and I got school the next morning, and I'm sneaking up to turn the TV on.

I'm putting it on with no sound so I can follow the game.

And I'm going to be up till 1 a.m.

for school, right?

I'm back to being that kid again.

And it dawned on me after that moment and how magical it was.

First First of all, even in the midst of all of the existential dangers facing us, the Lord is still good, just these kinds of little blessings, right?

But it also reminded me that what are we really fighting for?

I think that

we're not fighting for our kids and grandkids.

That's who we're fighting for.

That's who we're fighting for, to pass on an American legacy to them that was given to us.

So that we're not the generation Reagan warned about, the one that will one day have to tell their children what it was like once in America when we were free.

But what we're fighting for is actually moments like what you just described with your son, what I had out here in the lobby with Daryl Evans,

the idea that

it's the major benchmarks in life that matter the most, a marriage.

If everything goes right, it'll happen only once, at most twice.

Your kids being born.

That only happens once for each kid.

Your kid graduating from school.

That only happens once for each kid.

Your kid getting married, that only happens once for each kid.

These major benchmarks are rare.

That's why they're so important and we organize our lives around them and celebrate them.

In between those major benchmarks, we go to work every day, pay the bills every day.

What are the things in between those major benchmarks that bring joy to your life?

So that you don't feel like a cog in a machine, so that you feel like your life is worthwhile, that it's fun, joyful, that there's a reason for those things.

When America provided more than anything, and more than any other nation on Earth ever has been able to, because of its prosperity and because of its supremacy and its liberties and its freedoms, is those little moments of joy

that I was given, I had the freedom and the prosperity to even go sit for $4 in the old Tiger Stadium bleachers, 440 feet away from home plate and watch Daryl Evans as a little boy hit a home run into those seats.

And if we lose those things,

what's happened, we're going to lose them because see, in our era, particularly the men, they have prioritized those little joys over their main responsibilities.

That

we now don't look forward to those little joys to give us a break from our responsibilities so we can, and we get refueled.

Hey, I had a weekend off.

I went to the ball game, hung out with my kid, took my wife out on a date night.

I'm good.

I'm ready to go back to the battle on Monday.

All right.

I'll be at my kids' school board meeting on Tuesday.

I'll go to my kids' game on Friday.

All right.

We've flipped our priorities now, particularly the men.

Now they know more details about their fantasy baseball team than they do their legislature.

Now they know more details about their leisure pursuits than they do their priorities and responsibilities.

And because of that, because our priorities are out of order, we're now in danger of losing both.

You're now in danger of everything's politicized now.

Even your leisure pursuits are politicized now.

And so because

we're not engaged generationally, we're not in the fight generationally, particularly the men.

And the leisure pursuits are an ends and a means to themselves.

They're They're the goal, okay?

Not a break, they're the goal.

And we're in danger of losing all of that.

That's really the unique your museum is a testimony to this.

What you have chronicled for decades and collected and have in that museum across the street, yes, there's historical things of great significance there, okay?

There's also Dorothy's red shoes, there's also a Darth Vader helmet.

They're really in the grand scheme of things.

No one's taken that with them to the next life, okay?

But until we get to that next life, it's actually those things

that give us joy to keep going, to finish the race, as St.

Paul said, to keep going, to not quit, to keep fighting, to encourage us.

All right.

And we're in danger of losing those things because we have prioritized those things more than the historical things that you have archived in that museum as well.

Without knowing it,

I think you explained why we collected those things last.

We didn't collect them at at the same time.

We focused on the really important.

And then when we had enough of that as our center, you know, it's like, you know, John Adams said, I'm doing this now so my children can study mathematics and everything else.

So they can build an art, you know, gallery that their children can appreciate art.

But right now, I can't do any of that.

Yep.

Because

I'm just trying to have freedom and opportunity to work.

Like my son, we had a moment this summer.

My son had in the same, had this a lot of days this summer, had to get up and go to off-season conditioning for football at 7 a.m.

in the summer, work out in the heat, then come home, go to lunch, and then go to work, where he worked outside for a company that did inflatables.

And he was often putting in seven, eight, nine hours in the heat all summer long.

And he'd come home at night and I'd be like, you want to hang out?

You tired?

What do you want to do?

He's like, I'm tired.

I kind of just just want to, you know, play Skyrim.

Do you care?

I said, you know what?

You can play Skyrim for the next three hours.

You know why?

Because you got up, went to football practice, worked out for two hours there, came home for lunch, went to work, worked another six hours.

You handled your business first.

Your time is yours.

That is your leisure time.

You may do what you want with it.

You earned that time.

What we want to do in our era now is flip it.

Yes.

And the leisure time now is actually what we want to do during the day when we're supposed to be productive.

Correct.

All All right.

And then

and then by that point in time, it's too late and our priorities are out of order.

And I think God is going to have to humble those, humble us where those priorities are concerned to bring us to a place where our hearts are ready for revival.

And if we can be humble enough to not kill each other while that's happening.

And I'm worried about that.

I am too.

But

with God's grace,

you know, maybe we'll maybe we'll do that.

Always good to see you.

You bet.

When When you come, I didn't ask a single question I had prepared.

So when you come back, will you come back to the podcast?

Absolutely.

I'd love to.

You bet.

Thank you.

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