Best of the Program | 8/15/22

41m
Glenn and Stu discuss the importance of rhetoric in politics and how to fight back against the Left’s unfair tactics without stooping down to their level. Glenn and Stu discuss the importance of the midterms, as Stu reveals that it may not be the red wave Republicans think it will be. Glenn's daughter Hannah joins to share the story of a gorgeous rescue dog who desperately needs a new home.
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Transcript

Mike and Alyssa are always trying to outdo each other.

When Alyssa got a small water bottle, Mike showed up with a four-litre jug.

When Mike started gardening, Alyssa started beekeeping.

Oh, come on.

They called a truce for their holiday and used Expedia Trip Planner to collaborate on all the details of their trip.

Once there, Mike still did more laps around the pool.

Whatever.

You were made to outdo your holidays.

We were made to help organize the competition.

Expedia made to travel.

Hey, podcast for Monday.

We start right off the bat with

a conversation that I think America needs to have, or at least conservatives do.

Yeah, the conversation of what do you do in this moment?

There's so much going on, so many pressures.

Do you change your principles to push back against an enemy that doesn't seem to have any?

Or do you stick with them and risk getting rolled over?

What's the balance?

I think there's a third option.

We talk about it in the podcast.

Also, more on Donald Trump and the warrantless, or I'm sorry, the general warrant that was issued by the FBI.

We look at the polls of the coming election in November.

It is closer than I feel comfortable with.

I am hoping that everyone goes out and votes because it is close, believe it or not.

So we have all of that and so much more on today's podcast.

You don't want to miss it.

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Here's today's podcast.

You're listening to the best of the Blandbeck program.

Oh my goodness.

And we have to also

talk about Donald Trump and the Fourth Amendment today.

Because I got a little problem with the warrant that came out Friday.

Just a little bit.

That sounded like I was drinking again.

Just

a little,

just a little bit.

Let's Let's first play

a conversation that I had

on

Friday.

Here it is.

There is nothing, nothing.

I've had this argument before.

I had Roger Ailes tell me this.

Glenn, we all love the Constitution, but we got to do what we got to do.

No, we don't.

No, we don't.

We act within the framework of the Constitution and decency.

We did do some horrible things.

It's called Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but we did it because it actually saved more lives than it killed.

There was reason behind it.

It wasn't like, let's just burn them and put their shadows in the sidewalk.

No.

Well, who's saying that?

I agree with you there, Glenn.

I want it done legally and purposely and to an end.

I want an anti-communist end to it.

I don't want to live in a country like this.

I'm not celebrating this.

It sucks.

I think it's awful.

When you say somebody like Franco,

I don't want to live under Franco.

Well, neither do I.

But I don't also want to live in a country where we do these kinds of, where they're allowed to do these kinds of things to us and they're allowed to do them unafraid.

The most shocking thing is not that the FBI is crazy or the IRS is expanding or any of these things that they've done.

None of these things are the most shocking thing to me.

The most shocking thing to me was Christopher Wray sitting in front of the GOP Senate, knowing he was about to raid the former president's home over nothing.

And not only did he sit there in front of them, he told them, hey, wrap this up, senators.

I got to go take a plane, a government-funded plane on a vacation.

What shocks me most is how unafraid they are of the right.

They are completely unafraid of the right.

And that we can never win that way.

So I talked to Jesse.

By the way, that's Jesse Kelly.

I talked to Jesse Kelly about it.

And what disturbed me in our conversation was I kept going back and thinking, okay, I think we agree.

But then he would say, we've done the Constitution.

We've done it.

No, we haven't done it.

We have not done it.

We haven't done it in a long time.

That's the problem.

And he had brought up Franco and saying, you would be surprised how authoritarian I would be on this.

And I said, what do you mean by that?

Do you mean you'll enforce the letter letter and the spirit of the law?

Because I'm for that.

And he's like, no, I'd go for Franco.

And I'm like, you're not going to go for Franco.

What are you talking about?

But I think this is the debate that America on the right is having.

And

do we have faith?

Do we still believe in miracles?

Because I don't hear people as a group, as a group, reaching out and saying what Martin Luther King did.

And that is, we have to be Christ-like.

What George Washington said, what Abraham Lincoln knew.

Only when we turn back to him.

Will we be able to stand.

And everybody interprets that as,

well, that's not going to work.

You just want to sit here and wait for God.

No.

Stu said something to me today as we were talking about it on the air.

You know, our faith kind of has a unique story to it.

Yeah, there is a, I mean,

it's tough because I know, you know, I know Jesse relatively well.

He's a good dude and,

you know, supports the Constitution and, you know, I'm sure is not going to turn into a

socialist dictator anytime soon.

But this debate is real on the right in which you have this,

there's this temptation to say,

if we are just doing what we think is right, they're going to roll all over us.

We can't just sit here and be victims of the left breaking all the rules and then we sit here and we play by the rules and we get rolled over.

I think that is

a feeling and an instinct that both of us can completely understand.

I feel that way often, right?

I feel like we get rolled over, and a lot of times it's because we're doing what's right.

No,

no,

it's because our side won't do anything.

For instance, how many times has Fauci lied?

I don't have the answer.

Rand Paul says over and over and over again.

There's good several examples.

Okay, right.

Okay.

So, how many times?

I grew up in a world where if you lied to Congress, you went to jail.

Okay?

You went to jail.

Contempt of Congress, you lied to us.

Why aren't people going to jail just for lying to Congress?

They have the power to do that

in November or January if they win the House.

I don't want to hear about hearings.

I don't want to hear about them.

I want to hear about results.

And here's how you you can do it.

What they have to do is have a hearing and then refer it to the Justice Department.

Nothing's going to happen with the Justice Department, okay?

Nothing.

But Congress can act on its own.

Congress can take back the purse strings.

What are we going to do?

What are we going to do?

You know, the IRS is out of control.

Here's an idea.

Take back Congress and then Congress, you stand up and say, yeah, IRS, we're not sending you any of that money.

Congress alone has that power.

We're not going to send that to you.

Nope.

We don't get it.

Oh, gee, the Pentagon's out of control.

Guess who's not getting some money?

The DOJ, we need more.

Hmm.

Until we see you arresting and doing the right thing, No matter who it is, left or right, until you start cleaning up your act and start firing people.

No, mm-mm.

That's anti-police.

No, it's not.

It's actually very pro-police.

It's anti-corrupt police.

It's anti-corruption.

That's what it is.

And until they take that power back, and you don't have to hate anybody for it.

In fact, if you go in with vengeance, then it's not justice.

Yeah.

And I think that's the, that's the...

the interesting part of this is trying to find that line.

Because

if you follow the rules so closely that you never, as Jesse was pointing out, put any fear in the other side, they're not afraid of any consequences.

Correct.

And you will get rolled over.

Correct.

However, you also have to do that within the bounds of your principles, which is difficult at times.

You know, it's like a lot of, I hear people,

not Jesse, but I've heard people say things to the basically the example of like, look, we have to break our own rules.

No.

We have to do things that

we don't think are right.

No.

Because if we don't, we will lose.

And it's like, you mean.

You lose if we do.

You know,

that's an easier argument to make for, I think, secular conservatives who might be, you know, non-religious or not, at least not Christian per se.

But it's like, when you're talking about your faith, I mean, the sort of central story of the faith is a guy who literally was up on a cross and didn't really push back because he wanted to do everything that was right.

Like he was, he was so committed to the principles.

Pretty bad.

He actually

was crucified over these ideas and principles.

So, like,

the idea that, hey, we might lose unless we break rules isn't something that's particularly germane to Christianity.

And it is the reason why Gandhi starved himself

because he was trying to do what Jesus did.

No,

he didn't starve himself so India would be set free and the oppression would stop.

No, he starved himself because his own supporters, his own supporters were starting to engage in violence and going, this isn't going to work.

You know,

when did the right

stop believing in miracles?

I mean, as you said, the guy got off the cross.

Okay.

Kind of a big miracle.

This audience, this audience knows that

we were founded

through miracle after miracle after miracle.

I could give them to you,

but I think you know them.

So if it was founded because the people,

in impossible odds,

Because the people had reliance on the truth and on on God.

Why wouldn't it work now?

And I think, you know, you could look back at like the, for example, the Revolutionary War, right?

And a time where

we are

up against an impossible opponent, have no chance to win, right?

And we wind up winning.

Well, we didn't wind up winning just because we hoped for the best.

We prayed, right?

Like that was certainly part of it, of course.

And probably the real reason why we won.

But we also changed tactics.

And we also did things that weren't always the norm.

They weren't against our principles, though.

No.

But they were,

we did change tactics.

They were just behind a tree instead of lining up on a big battlefield.

That was a good change.

This seems like common sense more than anything else.

Yes, no, it's true.

It's true.

But that was a big difference.

Yes.

You know, I think, if I may, I think this is part of the reason why

like Ron DeSantis.

Yes.

And it's because he's been able to find this line.

He's not breaking principles, but he's changing tactics and taking the enemy seriously, a political enemy seriously.

He's not being a jerk about it either.

I don't find him to be a jerk.

I think the left does find him to be a jerk.

I can help the left.

Right.

It can help the left.

If you speak the truth

and that makes you a fascist.

I think mostly, though, he's been able to walk that line right like where he's been able to do things that are well within his authority

he's you know he's been able to to connect with those with those big problems that are happening and push back against them i mean i think the disney thing has shown results not just in disney but in other corporations that have suddenly yeah it hasn't shown results with disney no but it's with others other companies that are like let's just not get in the middle of this right now and and that's that's all you need and let and let me tell you something

When he does things and he does them within the law, they last.

They last.

He's changing the laws and writing them for a new kind of society because we're under attack.

And he's doing it all constitutionally.

That's the best way to do it.

And the left will just scream authoritarian.

Let them.

They point to to a dude in a dress and scream woman.

So

I don't really, you know, subscribe to their lingo and their new definitions.

That's not a fascist.

That's not an authoritarian.

I am a constitutionalist.

And I believe in protecting and defending the Constitution of the United States of America.

And that means

no more Mr.

Nice Guy.

It is time to enforce the laws.

And that doesn't mean we go in with a warrant that is a general warrant like they did with Trump.

No,

that's unconstitutional.

We do it the right way.

Otherwise, we lose everything and become everything we despise.

American Financing NMLS 1-82334, www.nmlsconsumeraccess.org.

That ain't going to happen with a McConnell unless you guys get involved, unless everybody calls his office and everybody else's office in the Senate and says, enough.

Enough is enough.

Because he really thinks that we're just a small group and, you know, just in the minority.

And that's not what real

boggers are.

Wow.

He kind of.

Is he the beast?

Nah, he's just a turtle.

Yertle the turtle.

This is the best of the Glenn Beck program, and we really want to thank you for listening.

So, Stu, I saw some

really disturbing things.

Here's one headline.

This one's coming from The Guardian.

The Republican Party has reason to fear the midterms.

Oh, okay.

And then 2022 Senate election forecast from 538.

Democrats win 61 in 100.

Republicans win 39 in 100.

Yeah, that's not good.

The odds.

No, that's not good.

That's not good.

And the Republicans were ahead on that breakdown earlier.

It's always been close.

And we did our first Senate preview a couple of months ago on Studos America in which I said, look, this is not easy.

I think it feels easy because I talk to a lot of my conservative friends who look at Biden and his approval rating and think, obviously, this is a home run.

You take the House and the Senate back.

Part of this is structural, in which the seats just don't line up particularly well for Republicans this cycle.

This goes back and forth.

In 2024, it's a very good cycle for Republicans.

So they will have a real advantage structurally in 2024.

That's not the case here.

In 2022, the Democrats have the advantage structurally.

It's just a matter of which seats are up in which states.

So it's harder for Republicans to

take

those purple opportunities, those blue-leaning opportunities, and grab them in a climate in which they are favored.

Yes.

However, the House is the opposite, where the House is basically all just climate, right?

That's how it's decided every single time.

Now, individual candidates can affect races, and you may lose

a race or two because you've nominated a crappy candidate.

But generally speaking, that should be much easier for Republicans to win.

Now, they have to win one of these two.

If they don't win one of these two, that's really, really bad.

I mean, I don't want to say end of Republic, but end of Republic.

It feels that way.

You know, we've talked about this every election.

People say, most important election of a lifetime.

I think this is the last one of the Republic.

If the Democrats win both houses and have the presidency, and there is no stopping them, there's no speed bump, it's just all going to be left up to the states.

Well, the speed bump this time has been their own party, Joe Manchin, Kirsten Simmons.

Yeah, that worked out well.

And of course,

as we promised you from the very beginning, Joe Manchin will not save you.

He never will.

He'll never come to your rescue.

He'll never be on a horse there.

To make sure you're just A-ok in the end, he will always screw you every single time.

That's how the story ends.

Just want to remind voters in West Virginia who voted for Donald Trump by 39 points last election that maybe Joe Manchin should not be the choice next time if he chooses to run again.

Just a little request from the rest of the country.

We have tons of crappy senators all around the rest of the the country, but really we shouldn't have any from West Virginia.

That shouldn't be an option.

So hopefully that one gets relevant.

But while he's on that topic, I'd just like to say, next election, will somebody please run against Smitt Romney and throw him the hell out, too?

That would be nice.

That would be nice.

Your turn.

Okay.

So now that we're done with our pitching.

So the Republicans are favored to win the House.

But again,

it's a four to one type of thing.

It's about 80-20, according to 538,

which, again,

is no sure thing, though it is a ⁇ they are heavy favorites at this point.

There has been

a big media push to try to come up with reasons why this is going to turn around and Democrats are going to win.

One of the big ones is the abortion thing.

They're trying to make the Kansas election into this beacon of hope for Democrats, that they will be able to get all that energy behind behind their base, and they will all come out and vote because they're so sad that they can't kill children anymore, that they're going to wind up winning this election.

I think the Kansas thing, we talked about this right after, I think the Kansas thing was a very isolated, weird example.

It was not particularly written well.

It was

right after.

the overturn, which was not planned.

It was supposed to happen before an overturn of Roe versus Wade happened.

That was the idea behind it.

The energy was all with the Democrats in an off election during a primary where not everyone's focused on it, blah, blah, blah, blah, blah.

I think if you brought that same thing up in Kansas in two years, it would pass on our side.

But we'll see.

That's because they're going to try it again, surely.

I don't think on an election day where everyone's going to be focused on it, that you're going to get more energy out of the left over abortion than on the right.

for Biden's performance, for inflation, for the economy, for raiding the former president's house, for all the things that that Republicans are fired up about.

I don't think there's any chance that that works.

So I heard speculation that

over the weekend, they wanted Donald Trump to win.

They want Donald Trump.

They want him.

They want him up in the polls.

They want his people very excited.

And they said that they thought, or this person I was talking to, thought that this was intentional from the left.

because they wanted to make this campaign as well about Donald Trump.

I don't think that that is crazy.

Now, I don't know that you'd say...

It doesn't make any sense.

Stu.

Stu.

It's 2022.

Nothing.

That's crazy.

That's a good point.

There's two ways to look at this, right?

If you're a Democrat.

Number one,

you have Donald Trump, who is a known quantity.

You know for sure.

That 45% of the country hates his guts and will never vote for him no matter what.

Like that is the starting point of this election.

Okay.

You also know that 45% of the country will walk through a wall of fire to vote for the guy.

So you take your chance with a few people in the middle and hope that you can squeak out a relatively close election with those people, generally speaking, in the suburbs and generally speaking, women.

who in 2016 leaned towards Trump, in 2020 leaned towards Biden.

And you say, they're not going to go back to Trump.

The things that turned them off from Trump in 2020 have not gone away.

He will be as divisive as he's ever been, and we can walk that same line.

The other side of this is

in support of your friend's theory here: is the idea that we don't know how to fight that battle against Ron DeSantis.

We have shown no ability to put a dent in what he's tried to do in Florida.

Now,

this is a risky strategy for Democrats because, again, if you believe Democrats, they will tell you that Donald Trump is actually Hitler.

So to promote his candidacy

would be something that is against every human.

Well, I have read

Trump is Hitler.

Ron DeSantis is worse.

Of course, every single time every time.

Yes.

So I don't know who that, I I mean, Lucifer, I guess.

Right.

Now, we do not have, you know, looking at the DeSantis option, they don't know how to beat him.

They have not shown the ability to beat him.

They took a situation where they probably should have beat him for the first time when he was running for governor and lost.

And they have not been able to put a dent in him.

He's going to win this election easily, by all appearances, here in Florida for governor.

So they don't really, they don't have a great strategy on this one yet.

The other thing, though, is they do not have 45% of people who see Ron DeSantis as a movement.

A lot of conservatives like him, but I mean, even in just name familiarity, he is nowhere near the situation that Donald Trump is in.

So it's a risky strategy if they really believe Donald Trump is uniquely dangerous.

And that's their case on all this stuff.

We should be able to do this stuff.

You shouldn't worry about us raiding a former president's home because he's so uniquely terrible and dangerous to the country.

That's their entire case.

Yet, here they are theoretically wanting to run against him because they think they can defeat him.

Now, look, they made that same bet in 2016.

They did.

I mean, MSNBC aired every single one of his rallies in full in 2016.

The same thing with CNN.

They went out and gave this guy an incredible amount of free media during the primary, which was a big reason why he wound up winning the primary.

I mean, you know,

that's been well covered.

Then they wound up getting burned by it in a big, big way.

Aaron Powell, Jr.:

Let me get back to the House and Senate race.

How are the

people that would vote like Trump, and I mean

that are really dedicated to, all right, let's abolish the, let's abolish the Department of Education.

Let's use every constitutional thing that we have.

And I'm tired of Mitch McConnell and all of this crap.

How many people

are running and are winning who appear to be those kind of people?

Is there any kind of sense of that yet?

It's pretty mixed.

It's mixed on the type of race that they're in.

You know, we're seeing Trump, people who Trump has endorsed doing really well in the places you'd kind of expect it, right?

Where he, you know, where

more red states, you know, the obvious example of the alternate is Dr.

Oz, who is not doing well against a man who is barely alive.

A man who...

Oh, he's still alive?

I think.

I've seen footage of him recently, and I'm starting to question it.

But I mean, Fetterman is, you know, the man had a, he wasn't good before this, but he had a massive stroke.

He's hidden from the public in Pennsylvania for months.

And you mean like he's in his basement?

Like, he's running the Joe Biden 2020 campaign all over again.

It's crazy, isn't it?

Sometimes, and it certainly so far has worked for him, staying out of the spotlight and not reminding people who you are works really well sometimes,

especially with someone like Dr.

Oz, who is so well known and, again, immediately sets a giant percentage of the population into two camps.

And unlike Donald Trump, who has a big movement behind him in support, I'll walk through a wall of fire, there isn't that sort of movement for Dr.

Oz.

So

the people who really know him were kind of Oprah fans.

And I don't think the Venn diagram of Oprah and Trump is not

a huge crossover.

Yeah, I mean, it might be like 10 feet apart.

Yeah.

So, you know, the polls in Pennsylvania show Federman up by double digits, most of them.

Oh, my gosh.

Now, if you look at the overall Senate, the easiest way to understand this at this very moment is to basically

start your process at 46.46.

Okay.

The seats that aren't up for election, plus the ones that should be easy for both sides.

There's some,

there's possibilities that there could be a couple of these races that would move in future months.

But if you start right now, you're at 46, 46, with eight races left in the middle that are theoretically winnable for either side.

That would include Pennsylvania, by the way.

That's not winnable.

So I mean, if you take that one out.

Corruption in Pennsylvania, I'm not convinced that they've cleaned that up.

If you take that one, leave that one in the eight for the moment.

Republicans would have to win five of the eight races to take control.

Now in that race, you're talking about Pennsylvania.

You're talking about Wisconsin.

You're talking about Nevada.

These are not necessarily hardcore red states that should be easy, though they are all theoretically winnable.

Arizona is another one.

Georgia, we talked to Herschel Walker the other day.

That race,

polling's showing him slightly behind.

I thought he had a good appearance here on the show the other day.

And, you know, it's important that

he win that race.

That's crucial.

New Hampshire is one that in a wave election is winnable for Republicans,

and it's a close race.

The polling is showing it very close, but will they be able to pull that off?

You've got North Carolina in there as well.

I think I mentioned Ohio.

Ohio is a race I think they will win.

That's one.

That's one.

You know,

if you look at this, Arizona could go either way.

Georgia, I think, should be one that they'd be favored on, but they've really gone after Herschel Walker, and it's hurt him so far.

It's a close race.

New Hampshire, I think, is one you'd typically assume you'd lose, but

is winnable and looks like it's a tight race.

North Carolina, again, it's a purple state.

It's one of the closest states in the 2020 election.

Nevada, you're trying to take out a Democratic incumbent, but I think is winnable, especially if this is a Republican-leaning year.

Pennsylvania, I think, really was winnable if the primary went the other way.

Now it's really a question.

Then you got Wisconsin and Ohio.

Okay, so here's the message from all of this:

write it down on your calendar.

Make sure you.

I've never said, go pick people up and take them.

I've never been, you know, like, hey, maybe we should get a bus.

Get a bus.

Everyone you know has got to vote, has got to vote, or it doesn't stop.

The best of the Glenbeck program.

This is the Glenbeck program.

I would like your attention for five minutes here.

And I have to start with a story.

When I was little,

probably about six, maybe,

I had a dog named Prince, and he looked just like Lassie.

And when I was a kid, that was a big deal.

And I have this picture of me on the boat, on this old wrecked boat, on our only vacation we took as kids

with our family, with me on this wrecked boat, you know, playing pirate with my dog, Lassie.

What's wrong, Lassie?

Somebody's drowning.

And

one day I came home, and my lassie was gone.

And

we lived, you know, we didn't have a big yard.

And he liked to run.

And so my parents said,

son,

he really needed to go to a farm.

And he's on this farm.

And he's running and he's happy.

And he's lots of dogs there for him to play with.

And it's very good.

I believed that.

And I believed that up until about a year ago when I told my daughter Hannah, who joins me in the studio now.

And my daughter, Hannah, just looked at me and, what was it you said?

Something along the lines of, that's adorable.

Do you really think that?

And I said, well,

yeah,

up until right now.

But I still held out hope.

I haven't told Hannah this.

I saw her aunt,

Coletta, my sister, who is my older sister, and she said,

You didn't buy the farm story.

And I said, Yes, I did.

And I'm still holding.

And before I could get out, I'm still holding out hope.

She said, Oh, he was smushed under a truck.

And

okay, so

I'm crushed by farm stories and puppy dogs.

Now, my daughter is like some crazy animal activist.

She saved a bird when she was living in New York.

Nobody saves the birds in New York for the love of Pete.

By the way, I'm convinced pigeons in New York are just white doves that have been playing in the oil.

That's it.

That's why they got that oil stain around their neck.

And anyway, science.

Science, man.

It's science.

So my daughter saves all kinds of animals, including dogs.

And it was at the beginning of COVID, and you got what kind of dogs are these?

Catahoulamixes.

Okay.

And she had this whole little puppy litter that was, you know, going to be gassed.

And she was like, no, don't gass those puppies.

I'll take them.

And she, you know, what she does is she rescues them and then she, you know, farms them out to houses.

Postering.

Whatever.

And, uh, and so she,

so the problem was, is that several of the puppies died, and it was extraordinarily traumatic to the little ones, the my grandchildren.

And so they were like, Mom, we can't get rid of Stella.

We can't.

And Stella was so cute, blue eyes, and black and white spot.

I mean, just beautiful.

And we were all like, yeah, mom, we can't.

And

now she's had Stella for how long?

Two years.

Two years.

And

it's time for Stella to go to a farm, but an actual farm, an actual farm.

And the grandkids right now are with their father, so they're guaranteed not to hear this.

But Hannah is giving away Stella.

Yes.

Like you said,

we fostered these puppies.

There were six to start.

Oh, there's the puppy.

There he is.

Oh, that's Stella.

That's Stella sitting on her bed

in the bushes right there.

Stella is an adventurous one.

She's very, very adventurous.

Yes.

Yes.

Not like a good apartment dog.

No.

Yeah.

Stella needs a real farm.

Yeah, a real farm.

Yeah, when we got her,

they started with six puppies.

They were in a super overcrowded, understaffed shelter in East Texas, and they were very sick when we finally got them.

It was tragic.

They were really sick.

It was sad when they got there.

It was a terrible couple of weeks losing so many puppies.

And like you said, by the time that it was just Stella left, every my children were

just devastated.

I mean, imagine growing up in a house where like six puppies died, one after another, after another.

You know, they didn't all die at once in some sort of farming accident.

They one after another, and the kids were just, you know, they're what, six and five at that time?

Six and four?

Four and six.

And

they were like, Grandpa,

another poppy die.

I mean, it was just tragic.

So

she has gotten up the nerve to.

Are you going to tell them the farm story?

I've.

Because if you do, when they turn 18, maybe even 16, I'm going to say, you didn't buy that farm story, did you?

Well,

it'll be a true farm story this time.

Sure.

Now, it doesn't have to be a farm, does it?

No, it doesn't have to be a farm.

Stella needs

a family

preferably if they have a decent-sized backyard would be great.

Farm doesn't have to be the case.

But she, I'm telling the kids, she's a so she's a catahoula, which I, I'd never heard of cattle, it's full name's catahula leopard dog.

Um, and they are working dogs, and they're actually bred to hunt wild boar.

So, yeah, here in Texas, they'd be great if you hunt wild boar.

Yeah, so she's very active, she's very tenacious, very strong.

She just needs a family that has a lot of time to dedicate to her to,

yeah, just to train her into

she's or just to just

play, yeah.

More dedicated play, like more walks, more running, more everything.

We have three dogs right now,

and I'm very well aware.

I'm the next-door neighbor.

Look at these dogs, she's people next door.

They got dogs, animals, a giraffe is coming.

Anyway, go ahead.

She just needs some more time, some more attention.

She's a wonderful, wonderful dodge.

All right.

No, I'm sorry.

I don't mean to interrupt.

I'm just looking at the time.

So, how do people?

So, we made an email,

rehomestellagmail.com, that if anyone's interested in giving her a new home, you can send your info to that email.

I would love to know maybe a little bit about your family, your situation.

And then we.

we.

I'm being the daughter of Glenn Beck.

I hope you're going to make a huge profit on this.

I hope, I mean, I hope this is going to pay for all the kids' colleges.

Is that what we're looking for here?

Making money on this?

Because I didn't get my cut.

I'm trying to recoup at least what we've spent on it.

Really, that much.

I know what the medicine costs.

No, so it's she's free, isn't she?

Yes, of course.

Yeah, of course she's free.

Yeah, I didn't know.

I mean, it was a good.

I mean, you're a capitalist.

I'm trying to help her.

She's a 30-something.

She's going to be like, you know, I don't know.

Marxism isn't so bad when it comes to dogs.

All right.

So all you have to do is,

she does not find me funny.

Oh, no.

Have you noticed that?

No, definitely not.

No, she doesn't.

Definitely not.

Come on.

It was a good childhood, though.

It was fun.

It was interesting.

Okay.

All right.

All right.

You know what's going to happen?

I know it's going to happen.

What?

I start to slow down a little bit, and she's going to be saying,

hey, Tanya.

And she'll say, I don't know where dad went.

And she'll say,

he went to a farm

with lots of other talk show hosts.

And he's running free.

Rehome Stella.

S-T-E-L-L-A at gmail.com.

Rehome Stella at gmail.com.

She is a really cute dog.

She's full grown now.

Yeah, she's 50 pounds.

She's full grown and she is one of the sweetest, most tenderhearted dogs I've ever had.

Yeah.

Or met.

Yeah, she's really sweet.

Okay, rehome Stella at gmail.com.

All right, cool.

Thank you.

Is that it for your day?

I mean, you got two kids, you got three dogs.

I'm done.

You're done, right?

You're just going to go home, watch a soap opera or something, whatever it is you do.

Eat ponbons.

Yeah.

Thanks, sweetheart.