Best of The Program | Guests: Sen. Ted Cruz & Salena Zito | 9/28/20

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I'm going to write the numbers on this and

you can play with the percentages of vote and see who's, you know, if Trump has to do better than he did last time to win.

With the changes in demographics, if everything plays out the same, same turnout for each group and each group has the same vote share.

Trump will lose the election.

So he has to do better than he did in 2016.

Let's roll some numbers.

Can we roll numbers?

Okay, so let's roll some numbers.

Let's say Trump, what did Trump have with African Americans last time?

Yeah, so here's a, yeah, African Americans, he had 8% of the vote of African Americans.

Let's bring that up to 15% of the vote.

Okay.

I think that's reasonable.

Maybe.

Yeah.

I mean, that's not.

Candace Owens says he's going to get 30.

I don't know about that.

No, but if he goes 8% to 15% of the African-American vote, he would then win the election.

However, as you point out, still lose the popular vote by about 3 million.

Okay.

Let's go Hispanics up 4%.

Think that's possible?

Including the,

are we changing the African-Americans back to their

okay?

So 4%.

So, yeah, do I think it's possible?

Yes.

I mean, he's

28 in 2016.

You can give him 30%.

So 30%, okay.

Give him 30%.

White

male or white voters that are un or have no college education.

So it's broken up into white non-college graduates and white college graduates.

Okay, so go very differently.

Yeah, go give white no college.

What did he have?

He had 69% of the vote last time.

Give him 70.

Okay, we'll take him up to 70 here.

And the graduates, what is that one?

He won 46% of white college graduates.

42.

So So he's going down?

Yes.

Okay.

There's more college graduates that are a little older now.

Okay.

And then anything else you want to change?

Asian, others, the other category we haven't moved at all?

No, I don't.

Oh, no.

Okay.

So that would give a result of Joe Biden 308 electoral votes, Donald Trump 230.

Wow.

And

leave his numbers alone, Trump's numbers alone, on white college-educated.

Okay, so we'll move him back to 62 there.

Whatever he had.

46, excuse me.

Yeah, whatever he had last time, just the same number.

Okay, that would be Donald Trump 306, Joe Biden 232.

That's how tight this is.

These things move by one in 2%, and they move the entire election.

Again, in that scenario, however, Donald Trump loses the popular vote again.

Now, they've already been coming after the Electoral College for the past few years.

They will, of course, ramp that up even higher if this happens.

To get him, it's interesting to try to find a way.

Let's say we give 15% of the African-American vote.

That's up from eight.

We go

from 68 to 70, or excuse me, 28 to 30% of the Hispanic vote.

We'll keep all that the same.

And we go from, let's say, 72% of white non-college graduates.

Then we start getting into basically a tie in the popular vote.

So is it possible for Donald Trump to go from 68 to 72% of white non-college graduates?

Very possible.

And now that has him losing no

white college graduates, though.

And that's the part where I think he's struggling the most.

You know, you're talking, it's, you know, you look at this, again, it's suburban moms.

It's that type of group that seems to be the issue here for Trump.

Now, you can also play with the turnout.

So even if he stays around,

let's say 70%, a little bit less, but you start cranking that turn up,

instead of 50%, I think the turnout for white non-college graduates was 55%.

The turnout for white college graduates was 72%.

So white college graduates turn out much higher numbers than whites that did not get involved.

I think that number is going to go higher.

Turnout for white non-college graduates?

College graduates.

Higher than 72.

Yeah, and I think it could go higher, could go higher for non-college.

So let's say, let's crank those up a couple of points each.

How about black turnout?

Up or down?

Up.

Up.

What do you think?

I think up.

Yeah.

Hispanic

turnout?

Maybe down or flat because

it was the wall last time.

Yeah, right.

Okay, that is so playing with that a little bit.

We now have Donald Trump at 310 electoral votes, Joe Biden 228.

However, once again, Biden still wins the popular vote.

I mean,

you know, as long as he has a couple of

states ahead in the Electoral College, as long as he wins, you know, two states or three, if it's one, we're screwed

because they will just dismantle it.

They'll find a way.

But if he can lose at least one state to their meddling, you know what I mean?

then I think you're okay.

You know, look, if you win 310 electoral votes, there might be an argument to change the the electoral college that the left will make, right?

We can expect that.

There's not an argument that the election was fraudulent.

Now, the Democrats, as I pointed out before, in every election of my adult life that they have lost, they have said it was a fraud and it was stolen.

Every single one of them.

So they will say that again in almost any circumstance, right?

I mean, almost no matter what happens, they're going to say it was stolen from them.

But is it going to be credible with the American people?

Now, like, there was, you could argue that for a good chunk of the American people, the Bush-Gore thing was credibly stolen.

Now, it's not true.

All the media recounts show the opposite.

George W.

Bush won the election fair and square.

Touch, remember the days when you could trust the media at least that much, where you could say after the recount, they were in the bag for Al Gore.

But eventually they came out and said, no, we've done all the recounts.

No matter how we recount it, George Bush wins.

Yeah, unless you came up with some fraudulent standard, some crazy standard that anytime we, you know, any, any, it was a ridiculous thing they had to do to get to any other conclusion.

The ones that were counted by the media that came back with the standards that were accepted were all in the favor of Bush.

And look, Bush won the election, but there's probably

35, 40% of America that sits back and says that was actually Al Gores, right?

For that to happen, I think you have to have, you're right, coming down to one state that's very close, maybe two states that are very close.

I mean, if you look back at the Clinton election with Trump, you know, they were in, if about 40,000 people changed their mind and switched their votes appropriately, spaced over four states,

the election swings to Clinton.

So that was a very close election when it comes down to the number of votes that would have needed to be switched.

I mean, that can give you maybe some confidence that

it's very difficult to steal an election.

That was a stealable election.

It was.

And I think they learned that.

I think they suppressed.

And that might be.

They could suppress.

I think their goal is they learn from it.

Remember, they were meeting to figure out how to win this election or take this election or shut him down

on Inauguration Day.

They all met on Inauguration Day and laid these things out.

So they've been looking for ways to make sure that that never happens again.

And if it was stealable then, it will be stealable this time.

I think too part of the situation last time is they were very confident, right?

They thought they were going to to win without the need to pull any shenanigans.

This time is, look, this is the craziest election we're ever probably going to see.

So you say they're not confident.

You say they're not confident.

I don't think I think they're terrified about what happened last time.

Right.

And I think they are,

I think that they are terrified, but

really, really confident

in some regards because of how many tools they have on the table.

You know what I mean?

They have so many ways to rig this, switch this.

It just takes a little, it takes just a few of those things to go a little right.

None of them have to go entirely right.

Just a few things going a little right, and they can turn the tables.

And I think they are.

I think they're arrogant.

I mean, why would the Democrats suddenly side with violence in the streets,

with

repealing your guns?

They're not moderating at all.

No, they're going the opposite way.

They're going the opposite way.

Joe Biden is outwardly running a more leftist campaign than he ran in the primary.

And there's only two reasons for that.

You know something that we don't know, and so you don't care anymore, or you're so misguided that that's who you think America is.

And there's no indication of that's who America is.

I mean, I think that's who the Democrats are.

They are a far-left

group of crazy people.

And I think they believe things like

the coronavirus plus the George Floyd stuff, plus all this stuff that's been happening is allowing them to go further than they normally would in an election.

I think they see this as an opportunity to push farther than they ever would.

I mean, this is progressivism one-on-one, right?

You take what you can get, and they think they can get more.

And look,

there's nothing signaling to them that they're losing this race.

We can all sit here.

I keep hearing so many people on the right so confident that Trump is going to win because he quote unquote won last time and the polls had Clinton favored.

Well, again,

set your expectations here a little bit.

The polls are better for Joe Biden now than they were for Hillary Clinton.

And it is.

And Joe Biden is not hated.

And Joe Brighton

hated her.

That was the secret weapon of Donald Trump in 2016.

Everyone, including the people voting for her, hated Hillary Clinton.

They don't feel that way against Biden.

They think they're worried about him being

losing it a little bit.

That's all true, but they don't despise him.

They also, I've heard this from several people who vote for, or were going to vote for Joe Biden.

I just, he's not a radical.

He's not a radical.

So he can surround himself with radicals.

But he'll overpower them.

They will think that, well, he's going to be in charge.

And then you follow it up with, does he seem in charge?

Well, I don't know.

I mean,

he's not going to run if he's, you know, if he's

in dementia.

That's why tonight is so important.

He has to be seen as placating the radicals.

He has to be seen as a, you know, doddering old guy, you know, like, you know, like all of our grandfathers get eventually.

You know, he's got to seem like that.

If he can pull off that he's not that, he's strong, he's alert, he's got it, you know, he makes the typical Joe Biden gaffes, but he just holds it together.

This is going to be a very good night for Joe Biden.

I will tell you, if I were Joe Biden,

I would try to approach this with the eye of having a moment, you know, the sister soldier moment everyone always talks about from the Bill Clinton campaign, a moment where you say, I'm not going to pack the court.

Yeah.

I'm not going to, I'm not going to, we're not defunding the police.

None of this is on the table for me.

I don't want any of it.

All this crazy stuff.

I don't want to add states and

all that stuff that you keep hearing suggested that Donald Trump keeps saying I'm doing.

I'm not doing any of that.

I don't want any of that.

I love this country the way it is.

If he has that sort of moment, which I don't know that he's capable of,

I think his whole party would revolt.

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Ted Cruz, senator from the great state of Texas and author of a new book that comes out, I think, today, One Vote Away: How a Single Supreme Court Seat Can Change History.

A great book where he explains how it already has and

let you noodle on what it means for the future.

Ted Cruz, how are you, sir?

Glenn, I'm doing terrific.

How are you doing today?

I'm good.

I'm good.

I want to get to your book here in a second.

First, any thoughts about the debate?

Well, I think the debate,

it ought to be interesting.

I think there'll be some fireworks.

My assumption is Biden will take a couple of shots at Trump, and I think Trump will take several shots at Biden.

What I hope happens is that we see a real contrast of ideas and a contrast of visions.

I think we win if we contrast free enterprise with socialism.

I think we win if we contrast the rule of law and the Constitution and Bill of Rights with chaos and anarchy and riots in the street.

I think Joe Biden wants to make it just a personality contest on whether or not you happen to like Donald J.

Trump.

They think they win that.

I don't know if they do or not, but I know and I'm confident we win if we focus on the competing visions and what's better for America.

So in a related question, I'm worried about losing the presidency, but I am terrified of losing the presidency and the Senate.

And there's a real chance of that.

The two are closely correlated.

If you look at the Senate seats that Republicans are defending, they're in purple states.

They're in states that are tough.

And most of the outcomes, the presidency and the senate go together.

We either win both or we lose both.

There's a couple of very narrow slices where you win one or the other, but in all likelihood,

it's all good or all bad.

And Glenn, if we wake up in January of 2021 with Joe Biden, Chuck Schumer, and Nancy Pelosi in charge,

God help us.

God help us.

They will do more damage in two years than Obama did in eight.

I don't think we, I think the fundamental transformation of America is done at that point unless we have the Supreme Court holding to, not the Republican point of view.

I don't want that.

I want somebody who is holding to the Constitution.

Will the if

Amy Coney Barrett is

passed through

and wins her nomination,

is that enough on the Supreme Court to be able to hold this country together?

Well, I think she is a strong nominee.

I think the decision to nominate Judge Barrett may well be the single most important decision President Trump has done in office.

As you know, I've got a brand new book came out today

called One Vote Away.

How a single Supreme Court Seat Can Change History.

And the book,

before I was in the Senate, I was a Supreme Court litigator.

What I did for a living is argued cases in front of the U.S.

Supreme Court.

And what the book does is each chapter talks about a different constitutional liberty.

So there's a chapter on free speech, there's a chapter on religious liberty, there's a chapter on the Second Amendment, there's a chapter on U.S.

sovereignty.

There's a chapter on democracy and elections, and it talks about Bush versus Gore.

I was part of the legal team that represented George W.

Bush, and the case went all the way to the Supreme Court in a contested election, we could easily see that this November.

And what the book does is it really tells inside war stories of what's going on at the court.

It takes you behind the curtain who the justices are, what they're doing, and many of the landmark cases in each of these areas I litigated.

And so I tell the behind the scenes who the parties were, what was going on.

And I'll tell you, it really is striking.

On issue after issue after issue, so many of the landmark cases are five to four, meaning we're just one vote away.

One more leftist judge is the difference between losing our rights to free speech, religious liberty, the Second Amendment, versus preserving and keeping those rights.

Trevor Burrus, Jr.: Well, we have John Roberts, who I think has been wrong on all of the big constitutional questions.

I don't even know who he is anymore.

I mean, he just seems like he's worried about PR or I don't know what.

But do

you think it's painful and unfortunate, and I've known John Roberts 25 years.

John was a former clerk to Chief Justice Rehnquist, as was I.

And I got to say what has happened to John in the last couple of years, and particularly this term,

has been horrific.

He has become Sander Day O'Connor.

Personally, I think it's driven by antipathy for Donald Trump.

It is difficult to imagine two people more antithetical, more opposite than John Roberts and Donald Trump.

And there are a whole series of decisions this term where John Roberts sided with the left on the court in a way that was really inconsistent with the Constitution, inconsistent with the laws.

And one of the things I try to do in this book, One Vote Away, the last chapter, is all on Supreme Court nominees and how to get it right.

And it traces the history of Supreme Court nominations going going back to Dwight D.

Eisenhower.

And if you look at it, and you know this, Glenn, Democrats are nearly 100%.

Virtually every Democratic nominee votes exactly as the Democrats would want in almost every case.

Republicans are terrible at this.

We don't even bat 500.

And there's a clear pattern.

There's a difference between when we get it right and when we get it wrong.

If you look at those justices who stayed faithful to their oaths, who stayed faithful to the Constitution, ⁇ Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Sam Alito,

Chief Justice William Rehnquist, my former boss ⁇ every one of them had a long-proven record as a conservative.

They had stood up for the Constitution.

They were constitutionalists.

And this is the critical piece.

They had been excoriated by the press.

They had been pounded by the press and they hadn't wavered.

That's what produces results.

That was what produces consistency.

On the other hand, when Republicans have a stealth nominee, someone that doesn't have a record, someone that hasn't been criticized, 100% of the time they turn out to be a disaster.

All right, so does Barrett have that long record?

Ted?

Sargon.

Yeah,

does Barrett have that record?

We lost the audio with Ted?

Can you hear me, Ted?

Okay, you're coming back.

Sorry, Glenn, the audio is fading in and out.

Okay, I'm sorry.

I'm asking if Amy Coney Barrett has that record, that long long record.

You know, I hope so.

Her credentials are very, very strong.

She was first in the class at Notre Dame Law School.

She clerked for Justice Scalia.

She's been a law professor at Notre Dame for 20 years.

She has been one of the most respected appellate judges in the country for the past three years.

She's also a mom of seven kids, which is amazing.

I can't even imagine doing that, much less doing that along with everything else she's done.

And so I hope she proves a strong and consistent constitutionalist.

My preference is always for a longer proven record, but I think everything we know about her

is strong and encouraging.

Okay.

In your book, you do break down gun rights, chapter three, religious liberty, school choice,

abortion, free speech, crime, law, and order, and then democracy and the electoral process.

All of those are about to be lost.

All of those are about to be lost.

How?

Go ahead.

Go ahead.

Every one of them is hanging in the balance.

Let's start with free speech.

One of the things I talk about in the book is the case Citizens United.

Now, a lot of people have heard of Citizens United.

The Democrats hate that decision.

They attack it constantly.

Most people don't actually know what Citizens United concerned.

Citizens United was a nonprofit organization that made a movie critical of Hillary Clinton.

And the Obama administration wanted to fine them for criticizing Hillary Clinton.

And the question there was, can we, as citizens, criticize our politicians?

At the oral argument, the Obama Justice Department, Justice Sam Alito, asked the Obama DOJ, under your argument, could the federal government ban books if it disagreed with the book, if it didn't want the book to criticize a politician, could it ban books?

And the Obama DOJ said yes, we could ban books.

Now, fortunately, the Supreme Court rejected that radical proposition, but the vote was five to four.

There were four justices willing to take away our free speech rights, to make it, give the government the power to make it illegal to make movies, to make books, to criticize our politicians.

That is, I think, a profound threat to our liberties.

In the book that Ted's just put out, one vote away, he talks about the electoral process, which, Ted,

if the president, and there's a good shot he wins again without the popular vote, the

Democrats are prepared with states just to say, we're delivering all of our votes

for the Electoral College to the popular vote winner, which is

the way it works.

Can they do that?

And how do we hold on to the Electoral College, which I think is the most important thing for the balance of our country?

Well, I'm deeply concerned that we're headed for a period of chaos in the weeks after Election Day.

I think by any measure, this could be a close election.

And if it's close, Joe Biden has already made explicit that if he doesn't win, he intends to challenge the legitimacy of the election.

Bush versus Gore, as you mentioned, there's an entire chapter talking about Bush versus Gore, the last time we had a significant contested presidential election in the courts.

I was a young lawyer.

I was on the George W.

Bush campaign at the time.

In fact, Heidi and I met on that campaign.

We were at cubicles about 20 feet apart from each other on the campaign.

I was down in Tallahassee the entire time of the

recount.

It was chaos.

On election night, George W.

Bush had won.

The votes were counted.

He won.

He was declared president.

And then the votes were close enough that Al Gore challenged it.

And he filed a whole series of lawsuits all throughout Florida seeking to reverse the outcome of the election.

And what he was seeking to do was throw out votes that were for George W.

Bush and try to find new votes that were for him.

And then that's what anyone in a recount, if you've lost, your incentive is keep counting and counting and counting till you can change the outcome.

Well, it was utter chaos.

I remember we had a war room with a white board.

We had seven different cases all on the white board, any one of which could

flip the presidency of the United States.

That case went to the U.S.

Supreme Court twice.

The first time we won unanimously, 9-0,

the Supreme Court vacated the decision of the Florida Supreme Court, sent it back, said they got it wrong.

The second time it went up to the court, we won 7-2 on the violation.

So 7-2, the Supreme Court agreed what was happening in Florida violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution.

But critically,

it was 5-4 on the remedy, on the outcome, where 5-4 the court ruled, enough is enough.

We've counted the votes.

The votes have been counted four times.

George W.

Bush has won all four times.

Under the law, the election is over.

It's time to move on.

That decision, we had 36 days of uncertainty, of chaos.

The country in the world didn't know who the next president was going to be.

I think we could see it much, much worse this year.

Instead of just one state, Florida, I think Biden, if he loses, could challenge in three, four, five states simultaneously.

We could see chaos.

You know, there's this group I'm sure you know about called the Transition Integrity Project.

Oh, yeah.

And it's a group of Biden supporters.

hard

Democrats and leftists, but graybeards in the Democratic Party, and then also a bunch of Republicans who are never Trumpers, who hate the president, also.

So they're almost all Biden supporters.

And they ran through what they called war games about the election, and they had John Podesta play Joe Biden.

Now, John Podesta, as you know, was Bill Clinton's chief of staff.

He was Hillary Clinton's campaign chairman.

So Podesta is a respected figure in the Democratic Party.

He played Joe Biden in the scenario that they labeled clear Trump victory.

So clear win.

What Podesta playing Biden did was challenge the outcome of the election, get Democratic states to send electors

who voted for Biden, even though the people in the states didn't vote for Biden.

And actually, in this scenario, they had three states, California, Oregon, and Washington, try to secede from the country.

We could be facing real chaos.

And it's why we need a nine-justice Supreme Court.

I agree with you.

In fact, I have a special tonight going through those actual transcripts to show the American people these are radicals that will not accept no for an answer.

Ted Cruz, thank you very much.

Ted Cruz, his new book is out today.

It is One Vote Away: How a Single Supreme Court Seat Can Change History, a lot of behind the scenes.

The best of the Glenn Beck Program.

You are, of course, a columnist for the New York Post, a national political reporter for Washington Examiner, co-author of The Great Revolt, which talked about the first race in 2016 and what the media missed.

What are you feeling today?

Because I'm about to throw up.

I'm so nervous.

Well, you know, I totally get that.

I also feel, you know, sort of,

you know, like racy heart kind of anxiety feeling.

And I think that's pretty normal, especially if you are a political junkie like you and I are.

But

the majority of Americans are not as obsessed, you would think they were, based on the constant coverage on

cable news and/or

on social media, that

most people do not live and die by American politics.

I think that going into this evening,

the

is on Joe Biden to do a number of things to either win voters over, earn someone's vote, or he's possibly going to lose votes,

not necessarily that will go to Trump, but people will take a look at him and say, depends on what lane you're in, they could look at him and say a number of things.

First of all, he's too far left, or he's too moderate.

But the third problem, and I think this is the one people are sort of anticipating, is that he's not on his game anymore and that he has lost a step.

I don't think that gaps are his problem.

I think that his problem is saying things like he went to an historic black college, which he did not.

Those are not gaps.

Those are problems.

But also, don't you think, I think there's a lot of people that I've talked to at least that are voting for Donald Trump, I mean, for Joe Biden, and they say, well, he's not part of the hard left.

So

if he looks like he's part of the hard left, that's a problem.

But the other thing is that they always say he's not part of the hard left.

And I mean, he's just going to get the job done.

And he'll keep those people at bay.

But if he doesn't look like, if he has a moment where he's confused or any of his senior moments, I think people are also tuning in to see if he is going to be,

if he's actually there.

Do you hear that concern at all?

Right.

Yeah, absolutely.

I do hear that concern.

And I also hear the concern from

people.

To your point about being either part of the far left, he's going to lose moderate

voters who don't particularly care for Donald Trump's comportment, but but think that they have a safe choice with Biden if he goes too far left, he's going to lose them.

That does not mean they go to Trump.

That does mean they sit at home.

He also could lose people on the far left.

I have a really

illustrated story about this in my latest column at The Examiner, where there was this house that I passed almost every day, just filled with Bernie Sanders paraphernalia.

There was a full, you know,

a life-size sign of him.

There had to be at least 30 signs

in this yard.

Now,

there's one tiny little sign in this yard that says Meteor 2020.

So

if Biden, you know, those are the undetected voters, right?

Those are the ones that you have to, if you're a Democrat, and if their needs are not met, that they're going to just sit it out and essentially say, hey, you know what?

We told you guys we wanted someone left.

You gave us Biden.

He doesn't have our back.

He's not with us on our issues.

We're not showing up.

And y'all can just have Donald Trump.

Wow.

So

if he's asked tonight about the police, which he should be asked about,

he has not

reined in the violence until very recently.

And then

he's even come out and said the only one that's talking about defunding the police is Donald Trump.

Is that going to be effective?

No.

You know, there's this assumption that

by the

political strategist,

and

in large part by my profession, that they still think it's 20 years ago where people don't have the access to look things up and find out if it's true.

Because we have such a large distrust in my profession, and quite frankly, we have earned it,

people are not going to take what someone says at face value as being the God's truth.

And so they're going to look up and say, Is he consistent on this?

Well, no, actually, he's not.

And he's not, he is when he falls into that trap of being considered a typical politician, which, by the way, the base on both sides are vehemently against.

Yeah.

Okay.

And if he starts speaking like a traditional politician, and he is one, he spent 40 years in Washington, if he starts throwing out big words and

concepts and trying to sort of talk down not just to Trump, but to voters, he really has a problem in earning their support.

The article you wrote, Forgotten Counties Will Make Their Voices Heard, is, I mean, everybody should read this.

You talk about a county that was Democrat forever, notoriously Democrat, and these small counties little by little have been moving towards the Republicans.

And you talk about one where it was lopsided for the Democrats forever, and now it's a Republican.

The registration has gone off the charts for the Republicans there.

And you mentioned several counties in Pennsylvania are like that.

Is that enough?

I mean, Donald Trump needs every single vote he can get in some of these states

just to battle the possibility of a rigged election.

Are the numbers for Trump,

do you think, solid and bigger than they were in 2016?

So what I think was, in 2016, I wrote in August of 2016, there's 10 counties to watch, that if just 2,000 more voters showed up in these counties for Trump over Romney, that Trump would win.

Didn't matter what happened in Philadelphia.

Didn't matter if Hillary Clinton was able to replicate Obama numbers and or exceed them, he would still win.

And I said by

40,000 votes, it was actually 44,000 votes.

Those numbers need to increase.

I'm not increased.

They need to remain steady.

Plus, they need to draw out 1% more voters to be able to offset the Philadelphia numbers.

Again, it doesn't matter what the turnout is.

What matters is if you get this 1% more.

Also, I'm really keeping my eye on the top-tier counties in Pennsylvania that go from Warren all the way over to Wackawana.

These are the counties that I call the energy counties.

And these are in agriculture counties.

These are counties where a lot of voters did not show up for Trump even though they would

were Republican but because they thought the way he talked was more like a liberal Democrat from the outer Bronx of New York.

Now he has a record and the record is something that they're very supportive of.

Energy workers because of loosening of regulations, but also of

agriculture voters because of the trade deal.

They love that trade deal.

Now,

you draw out about 2,000 more voters in those eight counties, and again, the same scenario exists.

Also, you have to continue to draw out voters in those original 10 counties, and almost all of them have switched their registration from Democrat to Republican in the past four years.

I will tell you that I know a lot of people like me that that's the first election in 2016.

First election, I didn't vote for a Republican or a Democrat.

I voted for an Independent.

That's the first time I've ever done that.

And I know a lot of people that did that or just didn't vote because they couldn't vote for Hillary Clinton and just couldn't vote for Donald Trump.

He didn't have a record.

They didn't believe in him.

Now,

now they do.

And those people come out.

Yes, absolutely.

I had a story just about a week and a half ago from Camberlet County, Pennsylvania.

And I walked into the county Republican office.

These are one of those counties that has changed their registration.

There was a gentleman there who was in his 50s, who's been a Democrat all of his life, did not vote for Donald Trump in 2016, and was changing his party affiliation along with several dozen other people.

There was a line outside the building

and he was voting for Trump this time.

These are the people.

If y'all read The Great Revolt, in the back of The Great Revolt is

a poll that we did

with self-identified Trump voters in Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Iowa.

And we asked them, did you tell a family member, friend, or a pollster that you were going to vote for Trump?

34% of them said no.

And 2016 is like a Disney movie compared to what we're experiencing right now.

All right, Selena, thank you so much.

We'll talk again.

And by the way, happy birthday.

Thank you, Glenn.

20 20 again.