Overtime - Episode #476: Omarosa, Steve Kornacki, Rebecca Traister, Reihan Salam, Eddie Glaude

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Welcome to an HBO podcast from the HBO Late Night Series, Real Time with Bill Maher.

Okay, here we are again.

Okay, these are the quick.

Oh, hey, you, you're back.

All right, let me

find one for you.

Okay, I'm Marosa.

I'm Marosa.

Do you anticipate more top officials in the White House defecting and speaking out against him?

Well, Nikki Haley, I guess she beat the holiday rush and got out there.

there.

She saw the writing on the wall.

Who's next?

After the midterms when the Democrats take back control of the House and possibly the Senate, I think you'll see a great defection.

There'll be a mass exodus and everybody will be trying to fight to write another book or tell a story.

I worry about who's after, though.

I mean, you know,

we thought the first crew was bad, but I'm like,

I'd love.

No, no, no, not you.

I mean, I mean like Rex Tillerson.

you know, and then now I'm like, could we get Rex Tillerson back in there?

Doesn't Chevron have someone who could step into that post?

Okay, Raihan, is the U.S.

Army justified in its decision to discharge over 500 immigrant recruits in the last year?

Well, if you're talking about, I think it's the MAVNI program, I think that it's just...

It's frankly one of these things that's less a policy decision than some kind of administrative cock-up in which there just are a lot of different pieces to it.

But I have to know the specifics of the case involved.

I do think that when there are folks who don't pass a background check and what have you, but I honestly don't know specifically what you're talking about.

Very careful on this show.

Very, very careful.

I used to be a lot less careful.

Eddie, is free speech on campus being stifled with students protesting controversial speakers?

I mean, what about that part of

political correctness that you can't speak on campus, the home of free speech anymore?

I think that's overstated.

Really?

Yeah, you can imagine after Milo spoke at UCILA, he probably went someplace else and spoke without any incident.

You think about Charles Murray at Middlebury, he probably wound up, which he did at NYU, the next day

without any incident.

You have to pick where you can speak.

No, no, thousands.

What I'm saying, there are thousands of lectures on college campuses across the ideological spectrum that happen every day without these incidents.

What you usually do is...

You read a lot about it a lot.

I know,

that's because it's sensational.

Just like in your opening monologue, you talked about the weatherman, that guy.

Remember that guy in the weather report where the wind was blowing and the people were walking behind him and casually?

Sometimes we report about what's happening on campuses in a sensationalized manner.

Okay.

All right.

Steve.

When and how should Democrats address how badly they are polling with Latinos?

That, you know, that is the, if there's one worry area for Democrats in terms of November, that's it right there.

And I think one of the issues there is it's almost more fundamental.

When we think of the Latino vote, often in the media and in politics, we treat it as, okay, immigration.

And we think that is the major issue that's going to drive it, and we expect that therefore Democrats are going to get the lion's share of the Latino vote.

And yet, there's a recent poll that said, ask Latino voters, what is your top issue?

It was not immigration, it was the economy.

One-third of Latinos identified as conservatives.

A quarter identified as Republicans.

I think Ryan had the poll there from a couple weeks ago that had Trump's approval in one hitting 41 percent with Latino voters.

I've seen it between 35 and 41 percent.

And also, you have historically a low participation level, lower relative to every other group out there among Latino voters, especially in midterm elections.

So, if you're a Democrat and you're looking at California, Texas, Florida, a couple other districts around the country where potentially the Latino vote is going to make or break you, I think that's your biggest concern right now.

You got the suburban energy, you got the money.

I think that's a big factor for them.

Okay.

Rebecca, why do so many liberals peg Melania as a victim rather than as a willing participant in a crooked family?

God, I don't know.

It drives me bananas.

You don't know.

Even you don't know.

It drives me bananas.

Because

there's such an impulse to want.

I mean, maybe it's about the, you know, ever-renewing hope for white women, but maybe it's about that same impulse to think, to want to make a secret hero out of somebody next to him when it is so clear that Melania, Ivanka, these women are propping him up, deriving power,

participating in the oppression and the destruction of the democracy.

And I don't know, it drives me crazy when I see this.

There's very little that I

loathe as much as

the hope that the idea that Melania is some kind of secret agent in there resisting.

No,

she's as horrific as he is,

with less power, marginally less power.

Republicans are still chanting, lock her up, at Trump rallies.

Is it necessary for Democrats to publicly distance themselves from Hillary Clinton, I guess it says Clinton, in order to move on from 2016?

It's amazing the way they do still.

Hillary is still like as if she was

as if she was president.

The idea that we could run away from the open calls to violent misogyny by distancing ourselves from one one lady.

You notice that they shouted for, it doesn't matter, it's not about Hillary, it's about lock any of them up.

You said in your monologue, it was Diane Feinstein this week.

Yeah.

You know, it's lock her up,

stands in for a much bigger metaphor for what they want to do.

Donald Trump's political method

One of his key methods is to try to turn a strength into a weakness.

So when you look at the enormous enthusiasm you have on the left, you talk about angry mobs, right?

You turn it into something that looks scary and threatening so that people will rally around it.

And that's part of what makes him so effective.

That's why he was able to cut down all of his rivals in the Republican primaries.

When he has a rival, a clearly defined rival, then he can be very, very effective at trying to turn their strengths into weaknesses.

And that's why when you have an actual Democratic nominee, that's the moment when he might become a lot more politically effective than he is when he does not have a clearly defined rival.

Well, that, and he might just need a new chant leader.

I mean, I've attended these rallies when we were on the campaign and there's a guy at the rally who leads these chants and he just might need a warm up back.

Absolutely.

He just might need a new playlist instead of

lock her up, lock her up, they might need something new to say.

Like lock him up, lock Donald drop up.

It's just the fact that we're talking about an American politician saying lock her up about anybody.

Which is an American politician the most powerful

in the world.

In the world.

It's so third world.

And, you know, there's so many books called basically it could happen here.

I'm still surprised so many people.

You also see populist politicians in pretty much all of the market democracies around the world who are gaining in prominence.

This is not just a U.S.

phenomenon, it's a global phenomenon.

And I don't think we're seeing the last of it.

I think we'll see more of it in the years to come.

All right.

Thank you, everybody.

Thank you, panel.

Tune in next week, I'll enjoy it.

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