Ep 62 | UN Ambassador and Beyond: Always Taking Names | Nikki Haley | The Glenn Beck Podcast

Everybody is shaped by their upbringing, their family, their life experiences.

Some of us go through more hardships than others, but true leaders are the ones who can take that adversity in stride and use it as propellant, something that pushes them to a higher stratosphere.

And if they do it right, they do it with humility.

My next guest on our podcast is a master of grit and grace.

Growing up, she witnessed firsthand the racist attitudes of others directed toward her and her Indian immigrant parents.

In fact, she and her sister was, they were once disqualified from a beauty pageant because they didn't fit in either category, because there were only two, black or white.

And they were like, you're not quite black, you're not quite white.

As an adult, she was faced with a near-impossible challenge, leading the entire state through the worst kind of tragedy, through the slaughter on the streets.

And she got South Carolinians to actually take down the Confederate flag.

It was amazing and masterfully done.

She's one of the only females in a male-dominated arena.

She's never quit fighting for her integrity, her principles, and for the American people.

Today, I sit down with former South Carolina governor, former U.S.

Ambassador to the United States, and perhaps someday she will be known as the first female president.

Today, Nikki Haley.

Nikki, how are you?

I'm great.

How are you?

I'm so happy to have you here.

I'm excited.

I have read your books and listened to your radio show over the years.

This is going to be a lot of fun.

I am a big fan, as you will find out as we go through.

First of all,

I don't usually read political books because it's like, oh,

there's no,

there's a lot of stuff in there that we have to talk about that is really fascinating that you had the guts to say it, but it doesn't feel gratuitous.

It doesn't feel like you were trying to make money.

You know what I mean?

I didn't want it to be a political book.

I really wanted it to be a personal book.

And I really wanted it to be lessons learned, stories as governor, ambassador, as a woman, you know, as a proud American.

I just really wanted to tell my story.

Do you know you're a role model for so many girls and women, I mean, on my staff?

It's amazing how many young women have, I mean, coming out to the book tour,

getting the book, I love that because when I was growing up, I looked for someone like that.

And so I hope that we continue to grow strong women.

I mean, it's important.

Okay.

Let's just take, because I want to kind of take the arc of your book a bit.

And you start in South Carolina and

the shooting of Walter Scott.

It was a police shooting, and it was right on the heels, I believe, of Baltimore.

And those were bad, ugly times with the police.

And the police were wrong in this one.

He was unarmed and running away.

Yes.

Right.

And then, of course, everybody was, I mean, well, South Carolina, Carolina, you've got to be racist.

You got South Carolina.

No, I can't say this.

South Carolinians supported your idea or your movement to take the Confederate flag out

of the flag or off of the flagpoles and lower that and get it out.

How did you do that?

You know, I think whether it's the shooting with Walter Scott, you know, this was

the police shot this guy in the back as he was running.

It was all over the televisions.

And you're right, it was after Ferguson.

There was a lot of racial division throughout the country, and the potential of it blowing up in South Carolina was very real.

And, you know, leadership can overcome those divisions if you show that you...

you got it and that you're moving with it.

And so that was one where I actually saw two vulnerable constituencies there.

I saw, you know, the family of Walter Scott and not wanting this to happen to anyone else, but I also saw it to law enforcement and to all the good law enforcement officers that deserved to be protected.

And so we were the first state in the country to pass body cameras for law enforcement because I wanted law enforcement to know we would make sure we had proof of the good guys and let the victims know we were going to make sure we had proof of the bad guys.

I think body cameras are a win all around.

And so we were able to do that without riots, without protests, anything.

And And then you fast forward a month and there was Charleston.

And you had,

I mean, what was just horrible, 12 people who went and did what so many South Carolinians do every Wednesday night.

They went to Bible study.

But on this night, someone else showed up and he didn't look like them.

He didn't act like them.

He didn't sound like them.

And they didn't throw him out.

They didn't call the cops.

They pulled up a chair and they prayed with him for an hour.

And when they bowed their heads in that last prayer, he began to shoot.

You're talking about the mother Emmanuel church shooting.

And

I went there right after the shooting and

I asked our audience to come and we did a march.

And it was funny.

I didn't know it until I got home.

MSNBC reported on it.

They had no, we didn't announce it or anything else.

We were just going to support.

And

MSNBC,

the anchor, said, oh my gosh, listen, where's it coming from?

Because we were all singing.

And

they said, look at this.

This is amazing.

This is wonderful.

Now, they're not, they didn't know, but they certainly wouldn't have given any conservatives credit for being that way.

But when I was there,

I really was overwhelmed with that's who South Carolinians are.

It's not the stereotypic redneck kind of, it's not that.

I mean, South Carolina fell to her knees when this happened.

This is one of the oldest African-American churches.

These 12 people were amazing people.

They loved their church.

They loved their family.

They loved their community.

And

here is this guy that comes out with his manifesto holding the Confederate flag and had just hijacked everything that people thought of.

And we don't have hateful people in South Carolina.

There's always the small minority that's always going to be there.

But

people saw it as service and sacrifice and heritage.

But once he did that,

there was no way to overcome it.

And the national media came in in droves.

They wanted to define what happened.

They wanted to make this about racism.

They wanted to make it about gun control.

They wanted to make it about death penalty.

And I really pushed off the national media and said there will be a time and place where we talk about this, but it is not now.

We're going to get through the funerals.

We're going to respect them.

And then we will have that conversation.

And we had a really tough few weeks of debate, but we didn't have riots.

We had vigils.

We didn't have protests.

We had hugs.

And the people of South Carolina stepped up and showed the world what it looks like to

show grace and strength in the eyes of tragedy.

You had Jesse Jackson come into town, which

is probably most governors' worst nightmare after a shooting.

You're like, oh, good.

And when does Reverend Al show up?

But you write about how you listen to each other.

And

is it your Indian background?

Yeah, so we, I mean, look, I grew up

We were the only Indian family in a small rural southern town.

We weren't white enough to be white.

We weren't black enough to be black.

My father wore a turban.

He still does to this day.

My mother wore a sari.

They didn't know who we were, what we were, or why we were there.

And I remember my mom would tell me when I would come back from the playground after being bullied, she would say, your job is not to show them how you're different.

Your job is to show them how you're similar.

And it's amazing how that lesson on the playground has played out whether I was in the corporate world or legislator or governor or ambassador.

Because when you talk about what you have in common first,

everybody lets their guard down.

And then you can take on the challenges of the day and get to the solutions.

And Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton both showed up.

And

I so desperately wanted to protect the state.

And that meant keeping Jesse Jackson in the loop, having breakfast with him every other day to say, this is what we're doing.

This is how we're doing it.

Al Sharpton, I talk about it in the book.

I mean, I just yelled at him and and said, you're not going to come into my state and do this.

And he left.

And so it was, but it's making sure you're listening to everyone, but making sure you're leading so that everyone feels like you're doing something.

And

I mean, it was, it was a tough time.

It really was.

You,

the Connecticut governor called you and said, you're headed for real trouble.

He had just gone through this.

And

he he said, don't take it internally.

Watch yourself.

And you soon found yourself the press calling saying, are you sick?

Are you on some new weight loss?

You had lost 20 pounds.

You had PTSD.

Yeah, I, it, you know, it's, I'm very grateful for the governor

calling, but he called literally the second day after the murders and he said,

I just want you to know that you're getting ready to go through something something really tragic and hard and take care of yourself.

And I didn't know what he meant at the time.

I mean, now, obviously, I know, but I knew too much about what happened in that room, where the murders happened.

I went to every single funeral.

They were all open caskets.

I watched family members falling over those bodies in despair.

And I...

I just internalized it.

And it got to the point where I would do a press conference.

I'd come back into the office and I would cry.

I'd go home, I'd get in the bed, and I would cry.

And I just couldn't figure out what was happening.

And I did.

I lost 20 pounds.

I was, we had my chief of staff and her husband, who was my doctor, came over one night and I just broke down and he said, you have all the signs of PTSD.

And that made me feel even worse because I wasn't one of the people in that room.

I wasn't

deserved this.

This is not my right to feel that way.

But that's when I learned that PTSD isn't always direct trauma.

It can be from the experiences of everything else.

And so I got treatment and therapy, but it was a really

tough time and a tough experience.

And I mean, really, the only thing left was for me to hold on to my faith because that's what got me through it.

All right.

Back with more of Nikki Haley in just a second.

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You are such a different.

I don't know if you know this.

But you are,

you know who Jean Kirpatrick is.

Yes, I do.

Super cool, yeah.

She's the only UM ambassador we've ever had, except you now that i've went oh where's jean she was so great

um

you have

you're not this pantsuit politician you're not a um you're not an angry woman you're you're ambitious and yet it doesn't seem like it I don't, I'm sure you get all of those, you know, name-calling.

And I think it's because, and this may have been the PTSD, the cause of this,

you seem to be very empathetic.

You seem to be able to

feel people.

You know, I was like that growing up.

And I think it's because,

you know, there were some painful times growing up, being discriminated against or watching my dad go through tough times.

Things like that.

You, one,

have no patience for bullies because you remember when when they did it to you.

Two, you have sympathy for those that are made to feel different because I myself knew what that felt like.

And so I've always been very in tune with people's pain and very in tune with how to lift them up so that they can be stronger and not be victims of that pain.

That's really rare in politics.

I mean, I think most politicians are just sociopaths.

I mean,

they just,

I I will tell you.

It is.

But they are,

you know, their ambitions.

I'm not saying this in a,

I know, sociopath sounds bad, but

it's hard to do what they do

and be able to steam through it and push through it.

And just,

I mean, you, you are,

you know,

a witness or a testimony of that.

Look at what happened to you.

You know, you internalize stuff.

And man, if you're just even in the public eye, don't do that because you'll just end up a ball of jello.

Well, you know, I think I never wanted to be a politician.

I was an accountant and, you know, grew up in my family's business and stumbled into politics simply by the fact that I was doing the business for my mom's company and was complaining about how hard it was to make a dollar and how easy it was for government to take it.

And my mom said, don't complain about it.

Do something about it.

And so I ran because I thought there were too many lawyers at the state house and they needed one really good accountant.

And I think that I've never wanted to be a politician to be a politician.

I've wanted to move the ball.

I've wanted to make people better.

And every time I do something like that, it humbles me more.

But I'll bet you 70% of those who are politician

actually felt the same way, but then they get in it and they get power and everything else and they turn into,

I don't know, crazy people.

I've got to tell you this story because when I

won

the state house

in 2004 and I defeated the longest serving legislator in South Carolina in a primary.

And so I had come in somewhat as people saw me as a rebel or an outsider.

And I came in with a class that had done a lot of the same things.

And over a couple of years, I watched my class members who had defeated establishment Republicans.

I saw them start to change.

And I remember, and it was the power and it was the money and it was the prestige of it all.

And you know, everybody calling you the honorable this and the, and it was just,

you could see it.

And I remember telling my husband, if you ever see that happen to me, tell me, because I'm scared I won't see it.

Right.

And that truly does happen.

I've watched it happen to my friends.

Thomas Massey tells me, you know, he was, we were going to see the State of the Union, and he said, hang on, I got to put the, I have to put my golem on.

And I said, what?

And it was his pen.

And he said, I didn't even notice that, you know, People were kind of clearing the way for me.

And he said, one day, I didn't, wasn't wearing my pen.

And he was like, why is it it such a hassle?

And he realized, oh my gosh, it's the pen.

And it was the draw.

He calls it Gollum because he's like, my precious, he calls it my precious

because of the Lord of the Rings.

He said, it has that kind of power.

And he said, I only when I go through and I have to wear it for security.

Otherwise, I take that thing off as soon as I can.

And those things are dangerous because what happens is those that are in elected office forget that they're serving the people, not the other way around.

Well, I want to get to this later.

What's worse, are those people who are not elected to office who have power in Washington?

Very true.

You were not for Trump in the beginning.

In the beginning, I was.

You were Marco Rubio, and then you went to Ted Cruz.

Your mom was

she was for President Trump the whole time from the very first day.

And

she's an immigrant.

Oh, and she loved how straightforward straightforward he was.

She loved the fact that he wasn't going to let the United States get taken for granted.

But more than that, she loved what he was going to do on illegal immigration because my parents came to this country because they wanted a better life for their kids.

And they put in the time, put in the price, and came here legally.

They are offended by those who come here illegally.

So she very much wanted to do that.

And it's funny because we had a lot of talent on that stage, 16 people.

I was so giddy about that slate.

And I put my

backing on Marco Rubio.

And I remember the president tweeted, Nikki Haley is an embarrassment to South Carolina, in which I responded and tweeted, bless your heart.

Anybody who knows anything about the Carolinas,

that's just a polite way to say F you.

I love that.

But you know, once he won the primary, I had supported him in the general.

And we were friends before we actually knew each other he supported me when i ran for governor the first time and i got this white envelope with this great gold trim and there was a support check in it and there was a note that said you're a winner and we were in touch the entire time but i he would fax you stories about you oh yes he would and he'd say keep up the great work so we were we were acquaintances but you know i mean all of us had to choose a horse in in 16 and so

so um so you weren't really where i was because I was

against him because

I always like I lived in New York when they were futzing around with the World Trade Center, I'm like, let Donald Trump build it.

I mean, we're going to have to give him the top 10 floors so it says Trump on top of it, but I'm okay with that.

It'll be bigger, taller, and probably all gold.

And I don't know how he's going to get it done because I've seen him all of a sudden, like 10 blocks are completely changed overnight with his name on it.

He knows how to get things done.

But because he's a New Yorker and a diehard and has had

many things that I disagree with,

you know, on his agenda for a very long time,

and he's so incredibly

offensive,

I just couldn't see it.

I just didn't think he would do it.

Audience was very upset with me.

And I said, look, I want to be wrong.

And if I'm wrong, I'll be the first to admit it.

And then I started seeing him do things.

And he's done some things, like trade and everything, I don't agree with, but okay,

look what he's done.

It's just, we just need to take the Twitter away from him.

Just take the Twitter machine from him.

And you never will.

You never will.

This is just who he is.

And honestly, he has had to do it because the media wouldn't cover certain things.

And so the media actually created

his tweet style.

So he is,

I was always disturbed by the people who would say to me, we just need somebody to burn it down.

And you're Tea Party, I was Tea Party.

And I couldn't understand that.

I was like, no, no, no, don't burn it down.

The Constitution,

don't burn all those things down.

He was a disruptor.

Right.

He was a disruptor at a time when we needed a disruptor.

In this impeachment, I think for, and I've seen it now, because I didn't, I was so arrogant.

I didn't,

I didn't,

I wasn't an empath.

I didn't hear, I was just so confused by the people who had listened to me for so long.

And I thought they were, you know, constitutional and all this stuff.

I didn't see the pain that they were in.

They had given up.

They're like, Glenn, GOP is not going to do anything.

It's not going to happen.

I see Donald Trump, what he's done on many things, Israel.

One of them,

Pet Cruz probably wouldn't have done that.

I mean, he would want to, but he probably wouldn't have done it.

I mean, the courage

that the president showed, and Glenn, I was there.

Here in his entire national security team.

I think presidents before him campaigned on it.

I think they all genuinely wanted to make the change.

And I think what happened was exactly what happened to the presidents.

They'd get into the national security meeting and everybody would say, you can't do it.

You can't do it.

The sky is going to fall.

People are going to die.

And I watched that happen.

And he only had

three of us on his side.

Everybody else was not, they just were scared.

They just didn't want anything bad to happen.

And he had the courage to say, if not me, then who?

And he went through, and you know what?

The sky's still up there.

And it acknowledged a truth that needed to be acknowledged.

In 2007,

I was sitting with George Bush in the Oval Office, and

that is when Barack Obama said, well, I don't care.

We'll just fly over.

Afghanistan.

We'll bomb my Afghanistan.

I'm like, oh, dear God, you can't.

It's an ally.

And I said to George Bush,

help.

And he said, and he tried to, he thought this would make me feel better, but it scared the hell out of me.

And it wasn't until this last year that I get it.

He said, Glenn, don't worry.

No matter who sits behind that desk in that chair, they're going to get the same advice.

And they're going to realize the president's hands are tied and they'll do exactly the same, which Barack Obama pretty much did.

This guy comes in

and they just think they know more than the president and they don't believe that they're working for the president, the elected, they're institutionalized.

I'll see you come and go.

He refuses to play ball with them, and I think partly because they all attacked him from the beginning.

And so he had his backup and I'm not listening to you.

And he has certain views of things and he just does it.

And I think that's what this impeachment is.

He's a hand grenade.

And he rolled into Ukraine with all the State Department and intelligence and everything else.

And he blew up.

And it's like a wall came down that he didn't mean to maybe take down.

He took this wall down.

And you're like, oh, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah.

He was a hand grenade, but He really was behind that wall?

Does that make sense?

No, it totally does.

And look, I think that he came in and he, you know, everybody asked how I got out of the administration without a tweet.

And

basically it was, I would tell him the truth.

If he was doing something right, I would praise him.

I would support.

I would rally.

I would do whatever was needed.

If I thought he was making a mistake, I would say, I would call him or meet with him and say, I think you're making a mistake.

Instead, I think you should do X.

And he would say, okay, how do you see that playing out?

He would always listen, not just to me, to everybody.

So he was one that was willing to be swayed.

But when he made his mind up,

it was our responsibility to support and rally for him to get that done.

That's the way every business, every household, everything works.

It's the way the American public expects it to work.

As Obama used to say all the time, elections have consequences.

All right.

Back with more Nikki Haley in a second.

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You were asked to be Secretary of State.

I was asked to be in the running for Secretary of State.

I wasn't like formally offered the position.

I was asked to come to New York and talk about it.

And you went and you said, not me.

I'm not your person.

Yeah.

Why?

Because I think that

you have to know

when and how to be successful.

And we had too much going on in the world.

And it would have been the United Nations is just the same, except it's the,

I guess it's the big, it's the big people's table, but they don't do it anymore.

I just didn't think he needed someone with that much of a learning curve going and being Secretary of State.

And I

think it's important for people to know their boundaries.

I'm not afraid to push through the fear and do things that that are new and try something new.

That was too big of a step.

And he deserved better.

And

I thought that the American people deserve better.

So when he first picked Rex Tillerson, everybody, of course, was like, it's because of Bill Big Oil.

And shut up.

Who else has the experience of running a company the size of Exxon?

And he's already negotiated massive deals.

We were very excited.

I mean, I thought,

especially because he had dealt with leaders of other countries.

He, you know, the business side, I love to see business people go into government.

I always think that's the way to go because they get rid of the red tape.

They understand that it's all about getting things done.

And so we were all very excited about Ray.

I thought that was a brilliant pick.

Turns out not so much.

They just disagreed on everything, literally on everything.

And so it would put me in the middle of that situation.

And I agreed with the president on almost everything so you know when you when you look at and i think the president was frustrated because so much of what he was trying to do

rex would slow walk stall or just not do it it's the reason why he asked me to go to vienna to see the iaea that was looking over the nuclear production of iran and doing all of the inspections was because

He said Rex wasn't doing anything.

And so it was constantly issue after issue where that was.

I actually came to you and

you two talked and Rex was,

you know,

we're protecting people

and we don't stand in the way.

And

in some ways,

look, if you really think, I don't believe we just take orders from the president.

If you really believe somebody's going to be dangerous,

you then have to make the choice.

Do I

stay in to advise, knowing that I might always not get my way, but I advise, or is it so dangerous that I need to leave and tell the people why I left and let the chips fall where they may?

I mean,

this was a real concern for me because I saw that he was slow walking things, or I saw that they just weren't doing what the president was asking in the National Security Council meetings.

But on this day, we had had a meeting in the Oval Office, and it was about giving Palestinian aid.

And I wanted to pull the aid because they were anti-American.

This agency wasn't willing to reform.

It was a waste of taxpayer dollars.

The president agreed with me.

Kelly brought in Rex.

Rex countered it.

And so he said, y'all go out and figure this out.

So me and Rex and Kelly were sitting there.

And we were talking for about an hour.

And I basically was saying, this is what the president wants.

And that's when they came in and they said, said, look,

we're not undermining the president.

We're trying to save the country.

And if we don't do what we're doing by stalling or changing what he wants, people will die.

Now, this would be different if they thought he was unfit.

This would be different if they thought that he wasn't stable.

That's not what their issues were.

This is the fact that they didn't agree with getting out of the Iran deal.

They didn't agree of getting out of the Paris Climate Agreement.

They didn't agree with moving the embassy from Telugu.

It's not theirs to agree with.

These were policy issues.

So if you don't agree on policy, do what I did and go tell the president, but they had every opportunity in National Security Council meetings, or quit.

Right.

And so that was the bottom line was they just thought they knew better than the president.

And the reason this touched a nerve with me is I ran for governor.

I know how hard it is to get elected.

I know when you make promises to the people that elected you, you want to carry it out.

I was offended that they were looking in the mirror every day thinking that they could be president.

I think both of those guys are patriots.

I will first say I think they went in, they loved their country, they wanted to serve their country, but they were just wrong.

They were just wrong to go against the president.

It is, it's fine to believe that.

It's fine to disagree.

It's totally American to disagree.

But once the president has made the decision, your job is to execute what the president.

I mean, it's the president is the commander-in-chief.

And you can't run any.

Rex Tillerson should know that.

You can't run Exxon if all of the executives around you are trying to save Exxon or go a different direction.

You just can't do it.

It won't work.

So

how alone is he?

I mean, I think he's got good people around him.

I think that he just needs to be told the truth.

And in the book, I talk about my relationship with him and how he was just so willing to listen.

And he needs people to do for him

what I did, but also what I expected my cabinet to do for me when I was governor, which was be creative, serve the people.

And if you see me taking a wrong path, say something.

And, you know, the president's not rigid.

He's not closed-minded.

He will listen to anyone that has any issues.

I don't know the scenario now that I am gone,

and certainly there have been a couple of other changes.

But, you know,

I just, I encourage all those people in his circle to just keep protecting him and moving forward on his policy issues and keep speaking up on what they see.

I will tell you, I've never

said this

before.

I've never told this story, but about eight months ago, the president called me and I was getting ready to do a TV show and my assistant came in and said, Glenn, the president is on the phone for you.

And I said, the president of what?

And they said,

the United States.

And I said, what?

I didn't know what to do.

And I was like, tell him I'm

doing a show.

I got to be live here in a second.

I'll call him back.

I call him back and he says, hey, I just want to thank you for pointing out, you know, this and this.

And I started to say,

you know, I don't know if you know this, but before you were elected, and he went, oh, I'm very well aware.

And I said, no, no, no, not that part.

I know you're aware of that.

But what I said was,

I will support your policies if I think they're right.

And I will point out policies if I think they're wrong.

And he said, I think that's great.

And I said,

I said, and I have to tell you, I think you're great on this and this and this.

And he said,

what is it you disagree with?

He spent 25 minutes, we still didn't agree at the end, but he spent 25 minutes on the phone with me, all of it in disagreement.

And he listened.

He listened.

Didn't mean he changed anything, but the man is not who people think that he is.

He's not.

I had a great working professional relationship with him, and I think that anybody that works for him can't say that he wasn't listening and he wasn't,

you know, that there wasn't an ability to change his mind on things.

When you first dealt with the resolution against Israel at the UN, you

were pretty clear and it started this

roll down the hill.

And you write in the book that you reached out to Sam Power, Samantha Power.

I don't know how much you know about Samantha Power, but

she was discovered by Soros and

she's got a very anti-Israel kind of stance.

What were you looking for from her?

What was happening?

She actually was very good to me when I was appointed.

I mean, she immediately reached out, said, let me help you.

She helped whether it was, you know, talking to me about the staff I was going to need.

She left me a book about which ambassadors were there, the countries, how they handled things.

I mean, she really was very gracious.

But when the, when resolution, it was 2334, it was basically an anti-Israeli resolution was happening.

It was happening in December before President Obama left.

And I tried to call her because I didn't understand why they would do this.

I mean, Israel is a bright spot in a really tough neighborhood.

I know.

And the U.S.

has always protected them from resolutions at the U.N.

by using our veto.

And I ended up talking to the Israeli ambassador once I got to the U.N.

He said he tried to call her multiple times and she wouldn't call him back.

And he found out from other countries that this resolution was coming down and that the U.S.

led it.

That's what's so bad is the United States led an anti-Israel resolution at the United Nations in a time where we should have had their back.

And so

that last administration was the most anti-Israel I think we've had in I don't know how long, and I think we followed it with Truman.

But to let it happen at the last hour,

that was what was so bad.

You know, the president had been elected at this point.

This was in the last month and let that happen.

And so I was offended.

And I think it's really important.

United States should always have the backs of our friends.

Always.

When you came in, you said,

you know, you're for us or against it, whatever, but we're taking names.

Yes.

Thank you.

Everybody said that was a bully move, et cetera, et cetera.

What is it about our side

that even our side

with Ukraine?

Oh, don't worry about that money that we lost.

I'm sure it's fine.

And

what is wrong with us?

Look, I mean, I think this is, for me, it was important that when I went in, I didn't care if countries liked us or not.

What I wanted was to make sure they knew what the United States was for and what the United States was against.

And I didn't want any gray areas.

And at the same time, I let them know we were going to be taking names, taking names of those that were with us.

and taking names of those that were against us.

And I thought they needed to know that we were going to have a strong voice in America again.

You actually.

And that we were going to make sure that they knew we were in the room.

True, the Security Council, some members came to and said, it's good to have America back.

After the president struck,

did the strikes in Syria after the chemical weapons attack, when that red line was drawn and he followed through with it, the number of ambassadors that came to me and said, it's so good to see the United States lead again.

Because while they resent us, while they bash us, they all still want to be us.

And they want our moral clarity to lead.

They don't want to follow China.

They don't want to follow Russia.

They still want to follow the United States' lead.

The world is becoming a very scary place.

China is frightening.

Number one threat we have is China.

Not number one threat just to America, but to all human beings.

It is a...

Very scary with

their surveillance, with their camps that are coming.

And if if you just look at the map of all the places that they have invested.

Right.

And we saw at the UN where they would go and bully those countries and say, you better vote with us.

But look at the map at all the places they've invested.

Look at how they're running up the debt.

Now look at the map and imagine China saying, I want your port.

I want to put a military installation.

Then you looking at that map, it will send a chill up your spine.

Look at the map of the United States and see what they've done.

But recently, what's really important, President Xi started a committee.

And this committee, he chairs it.

And it says any business that, any company that does business in China now has to cooperate with the Chinese military.

So think about our tech companies.

Think about the data they have on all of us and how the Chinese military now have access to it.

That matters.

Oh, yeah.

That matters.

Big time.

Big time.

Let me switch to Russia for a second.

They will never be our friend.

They will never be our friend.

And they can never be trusted.

What?

You mean the people who throw journalists out windows?

They're not trustworthy?

Donald Trump is being made to look like a Russian asset.

They call him that.

Except the last administration had a reset button.

And even George Bush said, I looked into Pooh Da Poot's eyes and he was great.

I mean,

this guy, he might say nice things.

And I think it's because they say nice things about him.

So he'll say nice things about them.

But if you look at his policies, I think he's the most

devastating on Russia since Reagan.

If you look, he is, and I talk about this in the book, he's soft on his words.

He's strong on his actions.

And he's, the reason that he is like that, and the reason it's controversial that he does that with Putin or with Kim or with Xi

is because he has a way of disarming them.

And I've watched it work.

So what he does is many times he's talking to them in the camera, knowing they're watching and listening in

hopes of getting something done.

With Russia, look.

I saw, and I talk about in the book where I had a conversation with him, where I thought he was soft on Russia in his words, but in his actions, put more sanctions for their occupation in Crimea, gave anti-tank missiles to Ukraine, helped with military training, you know, increasing our energy sector and our military, which Russia can't stand, expelled multiple diplomats.

I mean, he has hit Russia over the head

so many times.

Okay, more with Nikki Haley in just a second.

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I think he also sees these dictators because he's a very black and white person.

You know, he is a crime guy.

He is a harsh punishment crime guy.

And, you know, I know that he spoke to President G and Duarte, and part of him is like,

they don't have a drug problem there.

Yeah, because they shoot them in the head without a trial.

And I'm not suggesting that he wants to do that, but he does admire people who just get it done.

And

he can speak their language in a way he can

um

you know i

you're gonna see with the trade deal with china you're gonna see that he's gonna get the trade deal done and the reason he's gonna get it done is because president xi has to do this for his constituency president trump has to do it for his constituency but more than that They both like each other.

And because they both like each other, there is a political will to get it done.

So he does

this game, but it's all in the name of getting things done.

I've watched it happen multiple times.

When you look at

China,

I can't figure out how

I mean, tell me how Hong Kong plays into this.

I know we have this new Senate resolution that he was supposed to sign or maybe did sign.

The House passed it and the Senate passed it.

It's hugely important to having the backs of the people of Hong Kong.

Right.

I mean, we have to be on their side.

We have to be on their side because if Hong Kong falls, Taiwan is next.

And this is all part of China's grand plan.

The one thing they hate more than anything else is being called out.

And this calls them out and says that we will monitor the actions China has with Hong Kong.

So how do we do that and do a deal with China?

Well, I mean, this is obviously sticky.

I think that,

look, I would love to see, and I do think the president should sign it, and I think he should say, look, we're going to do this.

But if China, which I know is saying, if you sign that, We're going to pull back.

I know they're doing that because I saw them do it.

They're seeing serious consequences.

They did it at the UN all the time.

They wouldn't even allow Taiwanese people to come into the UN.

They banned all of them and the UN listened because they bullied them so much.

So I know he's doing that.

I think that the president can either go one of two ways.

He can sign it and say, we're doing this anyway.

He can veto it and the House and Senate are going to override it anyway.

And then he can say, well, I didn't do it, but Congress did.

Either way, I would like to see him sign it.

I'd like to see him stand with the people of Hong Kong.

I think when it comes to our values and when it comes to what we believe in, we shouldn't compromise on that.

China needs us anyway, whether we sign the Hong Kong bill or not.

They need us anyway.

And I think...

I think the world needs someone

to stand against oppression.

We need, and when we lead, others follow.

When we led on Guaido and Venezuela, you know, 50 plus other countries followed.

When we lead on

defending the people of Hong Kong and having their backs and using the power of their voice, others will will listen.

I mean, think about what's happening.

You've got over a million Uyghurs or Muslims in re-education camps in China, making them change their name, change their religion, change their way of thinking.

If any other country in the world were doing this, everybody would be up in arms.

But because it's China, no one's talking about it.

That's what China has been doing around the world is they bully everybody into not calling them out.

But if we continue to fall in line with that, then they will continue to oppress oppress people around the world.

Did the president do the occupied territories thing, which I totally agree with?

Did he kind of do that partly because

State Department?

Are you talking about for Israel?

Yeah.

Guess what?

I'm doing it.

I think you have to look at the history of it, which I haven't had this conversation with him.

I think it was the right thing.

Basically, he went back.

He basically basically said that settlements were not illegal in the eyes of the United States.

Historically, if you go back

after the 1967 war, we know where the lines were.

It was President Carter that initially made them illegal.

President Reagan reversed that.

Then President Obama did it again and made it illegal.

So I think President Trump again acknowledged a truth, which is

you have to accept that the 1967 war happened.

These settlements are not.

So that didn't have any, there was no joy in the president poking the State Department in the eye?

I think that the State Department didn't want him to do all of the foreign policy things he's done.

So he's poked them in the eye many times.

So whether it's the Iran deal, whether it's Paris climate,

all of these issues that he's done, moving the embassy, and now this, they're used to it by now.

They don't like it.

They push back.

He does it anyway.

I'm not going to ask you the question that everybody asks you because you're not going to tell me.

And it's a waste of energy.

It's a waste of energy.

It's a waste of energy.

It just is.

You were an early Tea Party person.

Yes.

I was an early Tea Party person.

People are tired.

This impeachment.

I've never seen anything so dishonest as this.

I've never seen,

you know,

the

media keeps saying, if this was

in a in a court, the jury, this would be open and shut.

Well, if this was in a court of law, the president would have a right to call people to his defense as well.

Where's you have to look at evidence.

You have to look at facts.

Now, you know, I'll be the first to say, do I think it's a good idea for the president to call foreign countries and ask them to investigate Americans?

No, I don't think it's.

Wait, wait, wait, wait, wait.

Hang on.

Isn't it the job of the president?

Now, you could say he benefits from this with Joe Biden, whatever, but he was talking about this in 2017.

Rudy Giuliani is on the record talking about it.

If the vice president of the last administration with the State Department, Intel, and everybody else, were coercing the

Ukrainian hierarchy and getting them to to join into this anti-corruption league, which was totally corrupt,

and the vice president was enriching himself or his family, and we are missing $7 billion,

and the president says in May, I don't want to do anything with these people.

I don't trust any of them.

They're all corrupt.

How is this wrong for a president to say,

you know what?

I want a clear, transparent investigation.

I want to know what happened.

I want to know who these people are.

And I want to know you, Mr.

President, if you are surrounded.

My intel says you're still surrounded by the same people.

If you're surrounded by the same people,

you can't do that.

I'm not going to give you anything.

He didn't violate anything doing that.

I'm just saying I don't think it's a good idea.

I think the investigation actually should start here in the United States.

I think we should look at what sort of conflict of interest biden had what was said to the prosecutor because we've got the videos of things that he had said and things that he demanded i think we need to look into that but when you look at the facts look at the phone calls that have all been provided look at the facts

he was talking to the president of ukraine about corruption that president was elected To stop corruption.

To stop corruption.

So they were two presidents having a conversation.

Him bringing up the investigation.

The investigation didn't happen.

There's no sign of browbeating.

There's no sign of threats.

And the money flowed.

I don't know at what point

that even qualifies for impeachment.

And that's the thing is it's just so desperate.

You know, it's been one investigation after another investigation after another one.

The people are getting tired.

But more than that, the Democrats might slightly have an ounce of credibility had they not been trying to do this since the day he was elected.

And the media.

So where do those Tea Party,

what do we do now?

I do think I actually want them to go back and I want to look at the FISA warrant.

No, no, no.

What do we do, the people?

The people have to have something to do because they're getting very frustrated again.

Because especially this, they're seeing this with the media, and it's not telling the truth.

It's not fair.

It's just not fair.

And the one thing about Americans on all sides, they're fair.

And when it's so clear this is not fair, it's a witch hunt,

they're going to get more and more frustrated.

And they should use the power of their voices and say that.

I mean, they have got to use the power of their voice to say, this is wrong.

This is not what we asked for.

And this is what's so offensive to me.

We are less than a year away from an election.

I know.

Let the American people decide at what point

I just have such,

I have problems with that.

Who was it that it was in the Democratic Party who said it's too dangerous to let the people decide?

Terrible.

It's awful.

It's terrible to say that.

And so, I mean, I think that the American people need to get loud.

I think they need to be yelling and saying, Look, we care about jobs in the economy.

Why isn't the U.S.-Mexico-Canadian trade agreement getting done?

We care about this debt and deficit that we have in this booming economy.

Why isn't anybody addressing that?

You know, the country's being divided on illegal immigration.

At what point do they get in there and debate how we're going to vet people coming in and how we're going to secure the borders?

They're real issues that we need out there getting done.

And you're now going to have hearings wasting taxpayer dollars, wasting time, causing a distraction, which Russia and China love, by the way.

And you're going to continue to do this and not get anything done.

I mean, at some point,

American citizens should be frustrated that their time and money is being wasted like this when they should have a vote on this in November anyway.

So let's just say

2023 is going to become busy for you for some unknown reason.

What are you going to do between now and then?

What are you going to do?

So,

you know, I have really enjoyed just getting out and talking with people people again, not Russia and China, so that's been fun.

I wanted to write this book because I knew the facts would be there, but I wanted the emotion to be in there.

I wanted people to know how I felt.

I wanted them to know what it was like at the UN, what it was.

The lessons I learned, the things that happened.

You know, I wanted to be able to give that.

I started a policy group called Stand for America, and it's because my daughter is a senior in college, my son's a senior in high school.

They don't get their news from television or newspapers.

They get it online.

And so we started that so that we could start talking about these issues, whether it's capitalism versus socialism, whether it's Medicare for all, whether it's why there's an anti-Israel bias, just throwing things out there.

That's doing fantastic.

And then I'm going to be campaigning for people and helping.

So I'm helping Republican governors get elected.

I did an event for the president.

I was with Corey Gardner in Colorado and Joni Ernst in Iowa.

And, you know, wherever I can be helpful, I will be.

But I know I'm too young to stop fighting.

I'm not going to stop fighting.

I'm going to always be out there trying to move the ball in any way that I can.

I hope you will spend some more time with us.

I love you.

I would love to come back.

This is a lot of fun.

When I ran for governor the first time in 2010, you were the one I was listening to on the radio.

You were the one I was reading.

And I just was so in tune with what you, how you thought, and how you said it.

And so, this is a real treat for me to come here.

Likewise.

Likewise.

Thank you.

Thanks so much.

Name of the book is

with all due respect, Nikki Haley.

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